The topic of my study is presidential system. I have chosen this topic because I am interested in situation of Latin America countries. These countries have decided to follow establishment of The United States. Many authors affirm that presidentialism is occasion of instability in these countries. The thesis is composed of ten chapters, which are divided into subsection or other parts. At the beginning I introduce political systems in our society. And I chose one of them, presidential system, to analyze in details. Chapter Two is about history of creation Constitution of The United States. This part of history is important because this Constitution is model for countries, which have decided for presidentialism. In this stage I explain the term presidential system and its particular signs. Without knowledge about it we don't understand how this system function. And we can't confront it with other political systems. Chapter Three describes presidentialism and its different forms. In my work I describe presidentialism in Latin America and in The United States. In Europe, there are many countries, which after year 1991 have decided for presidentionalism. But there always are relics of communism. There absent elements of democracy. In some of this countries govern strong presidents and we mark them like...

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-03-17T11:10:29Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Andréia Bahia e Silva - 2015.pdf: 1298595 bytes, checksum: cd1f05dd53828233d9734d342ed49f72 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-03-17T11:12:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Andréia Bahia e Silva - 2015.pdf: 1298595 bytes, checksum: cd1f05dd53828233d9734d342ed49f72 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-17T11:12:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Andréia Bahia e Silva - 2015.pdf: 1298595 bytes, checksum: cd1f05dd53828233d9734d342ed49f72 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-30 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / The research aims to investigate the different incentives that explain the existence of so-called small parties in Brazil. These subtitles do not have the same incentives that the major parties, since they can not get the electoral gains that allow them to seize power central goal of all party acronym. However, have always been present in the Brazilian party system. The research part of the party context in which small parties arise and act - the fragmented party system - search the elements that enable its creation and existence, the electoral legislation and institutional incentives they receive, as party fund and free time propaganda. The gains that small parties do and justify their existence are observed by analyzing the trajectory of the Social Christian Party (PSC) in Goiás. The survey has a time frame 1982-2014. / A pesquisa tem por objetivo investigar os diferentes incentivos que explicam a existência dos chamados pequenos partidos políticos no Brasil. Essas legendas não têm os mesmo estímulos que os grandes partidos, uma vez que não conseguem obter os ganhos eleitorais que possibilitem a elas conquistar o poder, objetivo central de toda sigla partidária. Todavia, sempre estiveram presentes no sistema partidário brasileiro. A pesquisa parte do contexto partidário, no qual os pequenos partidos surgem e atuam – o sistema partidário fragmentado –, busca os elementos que possibilitam a sua criação e existência, a legislação eleitoral e os incentivos institucionais que recebem, como Fundo Partidário e tempo gratuito de propaganda. Os ganhos que os pequenos partidos obtêm e que justificam suas existências são observados por meio da análise da trajetória do Partido Social Cristão (PSC) em Goiás. A pesquisa tem um recorte temporal de 1982 a 2014.

This thesis is a qualitative study based on interviews conducted in early 2007 and aims at getting an understanding of the political environment from an opposition party’s point of view in Northern Sudan. The study is also trying to illustrate how good governance and democracy are building on each other and that good governance is a pre-requisite for democracy. In this perspective Sudan has a long way to go. The main assumption is that women are key to good governance and internal democracy and a democratic society. If the party excludes women, it can not be representative, participatory or equitable and inclusive. The thesis is therefore looking at the structures of one opposition party, the Umma Party, and women’s political participation in the party. This description is then analysed in light of Good Governance’s characteristics of participation, representativeness, equity and inclusiveness in the political society arena. The following questions were asked and answered: • What are the basic features of the political environment within which Sudanese opposition parties operate? • What are the leadership structures and decision making processes of the Umma Party in North Sudan? • How do women access these structures and processes? The main finding is that the Umma Party and Sudan do not fulfill the characteristics or the indicators to claim good governance or democracy – not within the party and not within the country.

<p>This thesis is a qualitative study based on interviews conducted in early 2007 and aims at getting an understanding of the political environment from an opposition party’s point of view in Northern Sudan.</p><p>The study is also trying to illustrate how good governance and democracy are building on each other and that good governance is a pre-requisite for democracy. In this perspective</p><p>Sudan has a long way to go. The main assumption is that women are key to good governance and internal democracy and a democratic society. If the party excludes women, it can not be representative, participatory or equitable and inclusive.</p><p>The thesis is therefore looking at the structures of one opposition party, the Umma Party, and women’s political participation in the party. This description is then analysed in light of Good Governance’s characteristics of participation, representativeness, equity and inclusiveness in the political society arena. The following questions were asked and answered:</p><p>• What are the basic features of the political environment within which Sudanese opposition parties operate?</p><p>• What are the leadership structures and decision making processes of the Umma Party in North Sudan?</p><p>• How do women access these structures and processes?</p><p>The main finding is that the Umma Party and Sudan do not fulfill the characteristics or the indicators to claim good governance or democracy – not within the party and not within the country.</p>

Naujų politinių jėgų atsiradimas ir iškilimas – reiškinys, būdingas demokratinėms valstybėms. Ypač vadinamosioms naujoms demokratijoms bei posovietinėms valstybėms. Lietuvai tapus nepriklausoma valstybe ir vykstant demokratizacijos procesams, šis reiškinys paplito labai plačiai ir tapo būdingas praktiškai prieš kiekvienus rinkimus į LR Seimą. Šalyje, vystantis partinei sistemai, buvo juntamas politinės „kairės – dešinės“ priešpriešos mažėjimas, kas iš dalies sąlygojo vadinamųjų politikos „naujokų“ atsiradimą. Atsirasti naujoms politinėms jėgoms padėjo ir aktyvios reklaminės bei sėkmingos rinkiminės kampanijos, susikurti partijų įvaizdžiai, šioms politinėms jėgoms vadovaujančių lyderių „ryškumas“ ir asmeninės ambicijos bei rinkėjų viltis ir tikėjimas, kad naujai išrinkti tautos atstovai, pakeis tuometinę šalyje susiklosčiusią situaciją. Šio darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti veiksnius, kurie lemia naujų politinių partijų susiformavimo ir iškilimo priežastis prieš Lietuvos Respublikos Seimo rinkimus. Tyrimo objektas – „naujų“ Lietuvos partinės sistemos veikėjų iškilimo fenomenas Lietuvos Respublikos Seimo rinkimuose 1992 – 2008 metų laikotarpiu. Tikslui pasiekti yra keliami keturi uždaviniai. Pirmiausiai yra apžvelgiama partinės sistemos samprata bei politinių partijų formavimosi procesai šiuolaikinėse demokratinėse valstybėse. Toliau aptariama Lietuvos partinės sistemos formavimosi raida. Siekiant paaiškinti Lietuvos partinės sistemos politikos „naujokų“ fenomeną yra analizuojami... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The emergence and uprise of new political parties represents a phenomenon typical for democratic states. It is especially characteristic to the so-called new democracies and post-soviet states. In Lithuania, following restoration of its independence and launch of democratization processes, this phenomenon became a highly wide-spread, and turned out to be typical practically before each election to the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania. The development of a party system within this State saw an obvious decline of the political “left-right” opposition that partially determined emergence of the so-called political “newcomers”. The emergence of the new political powers was significantly facilitated by active promotions and successful election campaigns as well as striking positions and personal ambitions of the political power leaders accompanied by the expectations and faith of electors that newly elected representatives of the will change the situation currently prevalent in the State. The objective of the research paper – to find out factors that determine reasons for the formation and uprise of the political parties before the elections to the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania. The object of the research – the phenomenon of emergence of “new” players of the Lithuanian multi-party system during the elections to the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania in the period of 1992-2008. To achieve the above-mentioned objective the following four tasks were set. First of all, the... [to full text]

This article focuses on party competition in Bolivia from a multilevel approach with department (intermediate level) as the territorial unit of analysis from 2005 to 2015. The objective is to demonstrate the (in)congruence of an institutional level overlooked by the literature on multilevel studies, for which two indices of measurement are used: Summary Measure of Congruence (Gibson and Suarez-Cao 2010) in a one version and Dissimilarity Index (Johnston 1980) in two versions, nationally aggregated and departmentally disaggregated, with voting data from all competing parties (DISa) and only from those with double competition (DISb). The argument handled is that if an institutional level is important enough to be introduced to the electoral framework of a country, it should also be important enough for academic interest, especially in their relation with the rest of the system. From this, the study concluded that the importance of this institutional level depends on the degree of autonomy it has and the interest of the partisan actors and regional elites. / El presente artículo aborda la competencia partidista en Bolivia desde un enfoque multinivel a partir del departamento (nivel intermedio) como unidad territorial de análisis de 2005 a 2015. El objetivo es dar cuenta de la (in)congruencia que presenta un nivel institucional soslayado por la literatura existente sobre los estudios multinivel. Con este propósito se utilizan dos herramientas de medición: la Medida de Congruencia (Gibson y Suárez-Cao 2010) en una sola versión y el Índice de Disimilitud (Johnston 1980) en dos versiones, agregada a nivel nacional y desagregada por departamentos, con la introducción de datos de todos los partidos (DISa) y de los partidos con doble competencia (DISb). El argumento que se maneja es que si un nivel institucional es lo suficientemente importante para ser introducido al ámbito electoral de un país, debería serlo también para el interés académico y más en su relación con el resto del sistema. A partir de esto, el estudio ha llegado a la conclusión de que la importancia de este nivel institucional depende del grado de autonomía que posea y del interés de los actores partidistas y las élites regionales.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo entender as principais alterações na legislação eleitoral do período entre 1946 e 1964 e identificar se essas mudanças representaram ou não os interesses dos grupos condutores do processo político. Como metodologia foi utilizada a revisão bibliográfica e a análise comparativa de documentos. Primeiramente é feita uma análise das rupturas e continuidades entre os textos dos instrumentos reguladores do processo político-partidário: o Código Eleitoral de 1945 e o Código Eleitoral de 1950. Em seguida, é realizada uma avaliação das principais descontinuidades nos dispositivos legais para verificar quais grupos de interesse foram beneficiários dessas mudanças. Conclui-se que os grupos políticos associados ao getulismo conduziram e foram beneficiados com a regulamentação eleitoral apenas em seu princípio, uma vez que a edição de um novo Código Eleitoral em 1950 e seus desdobramentos tornaram o sistema eleitoral mais independente e representativo. / This paper intends to understand the main changes in the electoral legislation from 1946 to 1964 and identify whether or not these changes represented the interests of the groups conducting the political process at the time. The methodology used was a literature review and a comparative analysis of documents. Thereby, the paper performs firstly an analysis of the ruptures and continuities between the regulatory instruments of the political party process: the Electoral Code of 1945 and Electoral Code of 1950. Secondly, it is performed an assessment of the major discontinuities to determine which interest groups were beneficiaries of these changes. It is concluded that the political groups associated with Getúlio Vargas guided and benefited from the electoral rules only for a moment, once the enactment of a new Election Code in 1950 and its outcomes established an electoral system more independent and representative.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5118.pdf: 2349984 bytes, checksum: f7f2dd9acdf4457bdb79a46f937a8405 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-24 / Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos / The project aims to investigate the distribution of power, their reproduction and their implications in the organization of the National Liberation Party (PLN) in Costa Rica, during the period 1990-2010. In a context characterized by changes in the party system and the electoral system in Costa Rica, the PLN was affected by deep divisions, motivated by personal and ideological interests. The intraparty struggle for control of the lines of authority meant a challenge to the power structure and the party's electoral aspirations. In front of the crisis, the dominant coalition that takes control of the party manages to reverse the situation, making to adapt the party to environmental conditions by controlling areas of uncertainty, and co-opting groups that confronted the intraparty fight. Strengthening the party organization, the dominant coalition succeeded to secure their survival and organizational stability. / O projeto tem como objetivo investigar a distribuição do poder, sua reprodução e as implicações destas na organização do Partido Liberación Nacional (PLN) da Costa Rica, durante o período 1990-2010. Em um contexto marcado por mudanças no sistema partidário e no sistema eleitoral costarriquenho, o PLN foi afetado por divisões profundas, motivadas por interesses pessoais e ideológicos. A luta intrapartidária pelo controle das linhas de autoridade significou um desafio para a estrutura de poder e para as aspirações eleitorais do partido. Em frente da crise, a coalizão dominante que toma o controle do partido consegue reverter a situação, conseguindo adaptar o partido às condições ambientais, controlando as zonas de incerteza, e cooptando os grupos que confrontou na luta intrapartidária. Fortalecendo a organização partidária, a coalizão dominante conseguiu garantir sua sobrevivência e estabilidade organizativa.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo entender as principais alterações na legislação eleitoral do período entre 1946 e 1964 e identificar se essas mudanças representaram ou não os interesses dos grupos condutores do processo político. Como metodologia foi utilizada a revisão bibliográfica e a análise comparativa de documentos. Primeiramente é feita uma análise das rupturas e continuidades entre os textos dos instrumentos reguladores do processo político-partidário: o Código Eleitoral de 1945 e o Código Eleitoral de 1950. Em seguida, é realizada uma avaliação das principais descontinuidades nos dispositivos legais para verificar quais grupos de interesse foram beneficiários dessas mudanças. Conclui-se que os grupos políticos associados ao getulismo conduziram e foram beneficiados com a regulamentação eleitoral apenas em seu princípio, uma vez que a edição de um novo Código Eleitoral em 1950 e seus desdobramentos tornaram o sistema eleitoral mais independente e representativo. / This paper intends to understand the main changes in the electoral legislation from 1946 to 1964 and identify whether or not these changes represented the interests of the groups conducting the political process at the time. The methodology used was a literature review and a comparative analysis of documents. Thereby, the paper performs firstly an analysis of the ruptures and continuities between the regulatory instruments of the political party process: the Electoral Code of 1945 and Electoral Code of 1950. Secondly, it is performed an assessment of the major discontinuities to determine which interest groups were beneficiaries of these changes. It is concluded that the political groups associated with Getúlio Vargas guided and benefited from the electoral rules only for a moment, once the enactment of a new Election Code in 1950 and its outcomes established an electoral system more independent and representative.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo entender as principais alterações na legislação eleitoral do período entre 1946 e 1964 e identificar se essas mudanças representaram ou não os interesses dos grupos condutores do processo político. Como metodologia foi utilizada a revisão bibliográfica e a análise comparativa de documentos. Primeiramente é feita uma análise das rupturas e continuidades entre os textos dos instrumentos reguladores do processo político-partidário: o Código Eleitoral de 1945 e o Código Eleitoral de 1950. Em seguida, é realizada uma avaliação das principais descontinuidades nos dispositivos legais para verificar quais grupos de interesse foram beneficiários dessas mudanças. Conclui-se que os grupos políticos associados ao getulismo conduziram e foram beneficiados com a regulamentação eleitoral apenas em seu princípio, uma vez que a edição de um novo Código Eleitoral em 1950 e seus desdobramentos tornaram o sistema eleitoral mais independente e representativo. / This paper intends to understand the main changes in the electoral legislation from 1946 to 1964 and identify whether or not these changes represented the interests of the groups conducting the political process at the time. The methodology used was a literature review and a comparative analysis of documents. Thereby, the paper performs firstly an analysis of the ruptures and continuities between the regulatory instruments of the political party process: the Electoral Code of 1945 and Electoral Code of 1950. Secondly, it is performed an assessment of the major discontinuities to determine which interest groups were beneficiaries of these changes. It is concluded that the political groups associated with Getúlio Vargas guided and benefited from the electoral rules only for a moment, once the enactment of a new Election Code in 1950 and its outcomes established an electoral system more independent and representative.