In many nations, the 21st century has been about women in politics. Not only are they running for prominent political offices, but they are winning them. The trend toward success for American female politicians has been slower to progress, however, as no women have been elected to the U.S. Presidency to date, and social science research suggests persistent gender biases exist in their news coverage. In order to explore the potential role that media play in continuing this gender disparity in U.S. politics, this comparative study investigates how cable pundit programs – a dramatic, partisan genre of “news” that has risen in popularity since the 2008 election – frame female candidates for the highest national office. A content analysis of pre-election coverage of three prominent U.S. politicians on the national scene, Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin and Michele Bachmann, on The O’Reilly Factor, On the Record with Greta Van Susteren, The Last Word with Lawrence O’Donnell, Countdown with Keith Olbermann and The Rachel Maddow Show reveals a small incidence of gendered coverage across these shows overall. Among said coverage found, however, trends in the data suggest that conservative programs employ more gendered frames than liberal programs, and that those frames are particularly negative when referring to liberal candidates (Clinton), and positive when referring to conservative (Palin and Bachmann) candidates. Further, the gender of the pundits, the gender of the cable network production staff members, and the political party affiliations of executive staff/owners correspond to the frames employed by these programs in unique ways.

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The present study is an attempt to bring into focus one of the many bases of party power over Soviet citizens. It is no great revelation that the Soviet government has long indulged in anti-American propanda, but the continuity, elaboratness and virulence of ths "crusade of hatred" demands further study. It is essential that such study be undertaken parallel with an appraisal of Soviet-American relations since 1917. In outlining the chronological development of anti-American libel campaign, some space will be devoted to methodology, technology and apparent purposes of the Soviet propagandists. Space limitations preclude an elaborate study of Soviet propaganda as a whole; however, the selected theme--graphic propaganda--includes within its scope many aspects of the whole and thus is representative of the broader subject.

The diploma thesis is devoted to the analysis of the political communication of Czech populist politicians in the context of the elections to the Chamber of Deputies in October 2021. It aims to map the communication activity of selected political representatives and to compare how these politicians use social networks for their political communication, what influence the proximity of the elections has on the activity and narrative of their communication strategy, what topics they focus on the most in their posts and to what extent they use attributes of populism and personalization. The theoretical part focuses on the definition and genesis of the term populism with a special emphasis on the perception of populism as a communication style. Afterward, the thesis pursues the issue of political communication in the context of the emergence and spread of the Internet and social media, in particular how political leaders take advantage of this transformation of the communication environment in their political strategy. The analytical part of the thesis then examines the communication activity of three selected populist politicians (Andrej Babiš, Tomio Okamura, Robert Šlachta) on Facebook in the pre- election period, the post-election period and the period of ordinary political struggle, for a total of...

The aim of this study was to examine the extent to which U.S. newspapers covered the chatter surrounding the 2009/10 healthcare reform debate at the expense of the substance. Also of importance was how the political leanings of newspapers influenced the coverage they gave the issue in terms of tone and page or story prominence. Newspaper endorsement data from Editor & Publisher magazine were used to determine the political leanings of U.S. newspapers based on the candidate they endorsed in the 2008 U.S. presidential election. Newspaper articles related to the topic were retrieved from the Lexis-Nexis database and analyzed. The results showed that overall the healthcare reform debate received substantial coverage in U.S. newspapers; but the major part of the coverage was dedicated to the arguments, protests, and thoughts of people concerning the issue (90.3%) rather than the substance of the issue (9.7%). Implications of the results for media practitioners, communication scholars, and researchers were discussed.

Analyzing 195 televised political ads from the United States and Canada in 2004 and 2008, this research studies the use of issue and image ads and the attack, acclaim, and contrast function of ads in presidential and federal elections. Results indicate that there is no statistical difference in the use of issue or image ads and no statistical difference in the function of ads in both nations in 2004 and 2008. Issue ads are found to be more commonly used in Canada than in the United States, but there is no statistical difference in the use of acclaim ads between the United States and Canada. Winners in both nations are found to use issue ads more than image ads while winners in Canadian elections were found to use issue ads more than winners of American elections. This study also offers a methodological finding regarding the analysis of issue or image in political advertising. Limitations and implications for future research are also discussed.

Perhaps no one has had more influence on the role of political documentary in the contemporary public sphere than filmmaker Michael Moore. His unique melding of committed political arguments with an ironic reflexive style have changed the very look and feel of documentary film, contributing significantly to the form's newfound popularity. Furthermore, his steadfast commitment to progressive politics has given the issue of socioeconomic "class" the kind of attention it rarely receives within the mainstream media. However, Moore's films have also been the recipient of viscous attacks from his political opponents, and subject to some of the most contentious public debates over the documentary form since the 1960s. This study integrates documentary theory and poststructuralist discourse analysis within a critical/cultural studies perspective to map out the ways in which generic conventions, interpretive strategies and rhetorical maneuvers have often combined to undermine the political goals and cultural legitimacy of Michael Moore and his films. First, I look at the ways in which Moore's own deployment of a patronizing mode of address transforms his films into "fantasies of advocacy"; narratives that invite an imagined audience of fellow advocates to evaluate and judge the lives and behaviors of the working-class subjects depicted on-screen. Such a depiction only works to strengthen middle-class forms of social authority which have worked, historically, to encourage class resentment. Second, I describe the ways in which Moore is also undermined by a mass media system within which progressive views are not often welcome. I explain how a number of discursive logics worked to frame Moore at various times throughout his career as an untrustworthy documentarian pushing Leftist propaganda, as an "indie film auteur" providing innovative cinematic experiences to middle-class audiences, and as a savvy celebrity-huckster selling political entertainment to embattled liberals. Finally, I describe how Moore's opponents on the political Right exploited the problematic aspects of both his rhetorical strategies and public reception to paint Moore as a "Liberal Elitist," a move that worked to derail the political effectiveness of Fahrenheit 9/11 during the 2004 election. By describing the complex, public articulations of Michael Moore and his films, this study contributes to the fields of documentary studies, media studies, cultural studies and political rhetoric.

Populism har de senaste åren blivit ett ökande fenomen i västvärlden, där partier och politiska aktörer som benämns som populistiska vinner alltmer mark. Även årets riksdagsval i Sverige följde denna trend, där Sverigedemokraterna (ett parti som har beskrivits som populistiskt) blev det näst största partiet och samarbetsparti till den nya regeringen. Trots kommunikationens viktiga roll inom populism har denna aspekt av populism i det stora hela oftast blivit förbisedd inom forskningen. Det gäller också tidigare forskning om populism i Sverige, som oftast har fokuserat på populistiska aktörers innehåll och deras ideologiska positioner. Tidigare forskning om populism i Sverige har också oftast fokuserat på partiet Sverigedemokraterna och inte studerat andra partiers användning av populism. Mot bakgrund av denna lucka i forskningen samt Sverigedemokraternas framgångar och konventionella partiers beslut att samarbeta med partiet, har denna studie valt att undersöka om och i sådana fall hur tre svenska politiska aktörer (Ulf Kristersson, Magdalena Andersson, Jimmie Åkesson) använder sig av populism i sin politiska kommunikation. Syftet har varit att undersöka hur populism som politisk kommunikation används och tar sig uttryck. Konkret har uppsatsen, genom en tematisk analys, analyserat de tre partiledarnas Almedalstal valåret 2022 och med hjälp av det teoretiska ramverket undersökt vilka populistiska element som kan urskiljas i talen och hur de används i den politiska kommunikationen. Studien identifierade att alla dessa tre politiska aktörer använde sig av populism för att mobilisera väljarstöd, men att de gjorde det med hjälp av populism på olika sätt, genom tre olika identifierade teman. Ulf Kristersson använde sig av det identifierade temat den rättfärdiga vinnaren genom att använda sig av populism för att framhålla sig själv och sin sida som den rättfärdiga och kompetenta vinnaren av valet. Jimmie Åkesson använde sig av populism i de identifierade temat landets räddare för att framställa Sverige som ett land i djup kris och han och hans parti som de enda om kan rädda landet. Till sist använde sig Magdalena Andersson av det identifierande temat mobiliseringen av en nationell gemenskap, där hon till skillnad från Kristersson och Åkesson använde sig av populism för att framhålla en enande svensk identitet och kultur som väljare kan identifiera sig med. Studiens resultat mynnar ut i en diskussion om användningen av begreppet populism och om man mer ska se populism som en komponent av politiska aktörers kommunikation och inte som ett definierande drag av politiska aktörers politiska identitet. Detta med tanke på att resultatet av studien visade att alla de politiska aktörerna använde sig av populism trots deras politiska och ideologiska skillnader. / In recent years, populism has become an increased phenomenon in the Western world, where parties and political actors that are called populist are increasingly gaining ground. This year's parliamentary elections in Sweden also followed this trend, where the Sweden Democrats (a party that has been described as populist) became the second largest party and a collaborating party to the new government. Despite the important role of communication in populism, this aspect of populism as a whole has often been overlooked in research. This applies to previous research on populism in Sweden, which usually focuses on the content of populist actors and their ideological positions. Previous research on populism in Sweden has also focused on the Sweden Democrats and not studied other parties' use of populism. Against this gap in the research and the Sweden Democrats successes and conventional parties' decisions to cooperate with the party, this study set out to analyze whether, and in such cases, how three Swedish political actors in the form of party leaders Magdalena Andersson, Ulf Kristersson and Jimmie Åkesson used populism in their political communication. The aim has been to examine how populism as political communication is used and expressed. Concretely, the essay has, through a thematic analysis, analyzed the Almedal speeches of the three party leaders in the election year 2022 and, with the help of the theoretical framework, examined which populist elements can be distinguished in the speeches and how they are used in political communication. The study identified that all these three political actors used populism to mobilize voter support, but that they did so using populism in different ways, through three different identified themes. Ulf Kristersson used the identified theme of the righteous winner by using populism to promote himself and his side as the righteous and competent winner of the election. Jimmie Åkesson used populism in the identified theme of the country's savior to portray Sweden as a country in deep crisis and he and his party as the only ones who can save the country. Finally, Magdalena Andersson used the identified theme of the mobilization of a national community, where, unlike Kristersson and Åkesson, she used populism to emphasize a unifying Swedish identity and culture that voters can identify with. The results of the study prompted a discussion about the use of the term populism and whether, given that the results of the study showed that all the political actors used populism despite their political and ideological differences, populism should be seen as a component of political actor’s communication and not as an identifying feature of a political actor's political identity.

[pt] Na América Latina, a corrupção é elemento constituidor de práticas culturais, sociais e de governo. A partir da Operação Lava Jato, considerado o maior escândalo de corrupção já registrado na região, a pauta ganhou ainda mais centralidade, especialmente por parte da mídia. A visão deste estudo éa de que jornalistas são atores da Comunicação Polí tica fundamentais e que participam ativamente da definição e construção das notícias e, assim, da construção e interpretação da realidade. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa de jornalismo no âmbito da Comunicação Política identifica e analisa percepções construídas por jornalistas brasileiros sobre a corrupção e a Operação Lava Jato, e o papel do jornalismo e dos jornalistas nessas coberturas. O trabalho realiza um estudo de caso, combinando aplicação e análise temática de entrevistas semiestruturadas a uma análise complementar de enquadramento de conteúdo midiático. A pesquisa mostra que as percepções de jornalistas sobre a corrupção estão ligadas, principalmente, à Política, e que reconhecem a existência de uma aliança entre mídia e força-tarefa durante a Operação, que se constituiu de cumplicidade e instrumentalização. O estudo também detalha percepções acerca do status quo que envolveu e envolve a cobertura de escândalos políticos de grande proporção. Como contribuições, busca trazer pistas sobre as definições de corrupção, Lava Jato e jornalismo político que perpassam arenas de discussão pública no Brasil; e espera auxiliar no uso de métodos qualitativos interpretativos em estudos do Campo na região. / [en] In Latin America, corruption is a constituent element of cultural, social and government practices. After Lava Jato Scandal, considered the biggest corruption scandal ever recorded in the region, the agenda gained even more centrality, especially from the media. The vision of this research is that journalists are fundamental Political Communication actors who actively participate in the definition and construction of news and, thus, in the construction of reality. In this sense, this journalism research in the field of Political Communication identifies and analyzes perceptions constructed by Brazilian journalists about corruption and Lava Jato, and the role of journalism and journalists in this coverage. The work uses a case study research strategy, combining application and thematic analysis of semi-structured interviews with a complementary analysis of media content framing. The research shows that perceptions about corruption are mainly linked to Politics and journalists recognize the existence of an alliance between the media and the task force during the Lava Jato, which was constituted of complicity and instrumentalization. The work also details perceptions about the status quo that involved and involves the coverage of political scandals of great proportion. As contributions, the research seeks to bring clues about the definitions of corruption, Lava Jato and political journalism that pervade public discussion arenas in Brazil; and hopes to assist in the use of qualitative interpretive methods in field studies in the region.

Depuis les attentats du 9/11, la lutte contre le terrorisme est devenue une priorité dans de nombreux pays. Les gouvernements ont mis en place des dispositifs destinés à prévenir les actes terroristes et à identifier en amont les potentiels suspects. C’est dans ce contexte que s’est développé un nouveau champ de savoir sur la « radicalisation ». Ce concept, qui présente le passage à l’acte violent comme l’aboutissement d’un processus, offre aux autorités la possibilité d’intervenir en amont pour « arrêter » ou « inverser » cette progression. À partir de l’analyse de deux rapports officiels et de deux campagnes publiques de prévention, je procéderai à l’analyse critique des discours institutionnels français sur la radicalisation. Je mettrai en évidence la manière dont ce phénomène est représenté par l’administration et les relations que ce concept entretient avec les pratiques de prévention. Enfin, je mettrai en lumière la fonction stratégique de ce savoir pour le pouvoir. / Since the attacks of 9/11, the fight against terrorism has become a priority in many countries. Governments have put in place systems to prevent terrorist acts and to identify potential suspects in advance. It is in this context that a new field of knowledge on "radicalization" has been developed. This concept, which presents the passage to violent action as the culmination of a process, offers the authorities the possibility of intervening upstream to "stop" or "reverse" this progression. Based on the analysis of two official reports and two public prevention campaigns, I will establish a critical analysis of French institutional discourse on radicalization. I will highlight the way in which this phenomenon is represented by the administration and the relationship that this concept has with prevention practices. Finally, I will highlight the strategic function of this knowledge for government.