[pt] A pesquisa tem por objetivo compreender de que forma o coordenador pedagógico efetua a mediação política no decorrer do cotidiano escolar, entre as políticas educacionais implantadas pela Secretaria Municipal de Educação da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro (SME/Rio) e a comunidade escolar. Os referenciais teóricos são Ball (1994, 2001, 2002, 2005) no que se refere aos conceitos de performatividade, gerencialismo, e recontextualização das políticas no campo micro- as escolas; Marcondes (2013, 2014), tendo como base as teorias de Ball sobre o papel do coordenador pedagógico como mediador frente às novas políticas curriculares e Del Prette e Del Prette (1998, 2012), com o conceito das habilidades sociais nas análises da dimensão socioafetiva da mediação política do coordenador. A pesquisa, de cunho qualitativo, teve como instrumento entrevista semiestruturada com dezoito coordenadores pedagógicos de escolas que atendem aos cinco primeiros anos do ensino fundamental e obtiveram bom desempenho no IDEB (BRASIL, 2012) e IDERio (RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011) no ano de 2011. A pesquisa chega às seguintes considerações: sobre a função desempenhada na escola, os coordenadores se veem como bombeiros, atendendo constantemente às questões emergenciais da escola. Em relação à mediação política do coordenador, encontramos três dimensões em sua atuação: organizacional, pedagógica e socioafetiva. Estas dimensões se apresentam intimamente interligadas. A partir dos relatos dos coordenadores, definimos cada uma dessas dimensões. Em relação à dimensão organizacional, os coordenadores apontaram que ela é exercida essencialmente nos centros de estudos quando os professores fazem seus planejamentos. Nestes horários, os professores recebem o repasse das informações vindas da Secretaria Municipal de Educação – SME/Rio e tiram as dúvidas a respeito do material curricular (Orientações Curriculares, Descritores, Cadernos de Apoio Pedagógico). dimensão organizacional pode se tornar altamente reguladora quando ele olha os diários, olha os cadernos dos professores e verifica se as atividades foram feitas. Na dimensão organizacional, por falta de infraestrutura na escola, muitas vezes, o coordenador assume turma no lugar do professor faltoso, quebrando sua rotina de trabalho. Em relação à dimensão pedagógica, os coordenadores revelaram que desenvolvem, junto aos professores atividades visando o bom desempenho dos alunos nas provas. Além disso, planejam atividades dos Projetos Políticos Pedagógicos, elaboram e aplicam atividades de recuperação paralela e reforço escolar junto aos alunos com dificuldades de aprendizagem. A respeito da avaliação, eles criam e recriam diversos instrumentos para acompanhamento do desempenho, além das Provas Bimestrais dadas pela SME/Rio. Também desenvolvem atividades de enriquecimento curricular utilizando diversos recursos didáticos, além dos materiais enviados pela SME/Rio. Em relação à dimensão socioafetiva, os dados revelaram que os coordenadores visam construir vínculos afetivos com os diversos segmentos da comunidade escolar de forma a harmonizar, conciliar as demandas pessoais e afetivas num processo de recontextualização das políticas da SME/Rio. O coordenador lida com os anseios dos professores, dos pais, dos alunos e da direção para construir um ambiente colaborativo para a consecução das metas de desempenho. Nas reuniões, organizadas pelos coordenadores, é importante a conciliação de conflitos que porventura existam entre a opinião dos professores e as demandas políticas da SME/Rio. / [en] The objective of this research is to understand how the pedagogic coordinator carries out the political mediation, throughout school routine, between the educational policies implemented by the Municipal Secretary of Education of Rio de Janeiro (SME/Rio ) and the school community. As far as theory is concerned, Ball (1994, 2001, 2002) is referred to, considering the concepts of performativity, managerialism and recontextualization of the policies in the micro field- the schools. Based on Ball, Marcondes (2013, 2014) theories are also taken into consideration on the role of the pedagogic coordinator as a mediator between the policies and the teachers. In terms of socioaffective aspects, the reference is Del Prette and Del Prette (1998, 2012) with social abilities conception of coordinator s political mediation. This research is qualitative and the tool used was the semi-structured interview with eighteen (18) school coordinators who attended students from the first five years of elementary school, whose results on the IDEB (BRAZIL, 2011) and on the IDERio (RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011) were good in 2011. We come to the following conclusions: considering their job, the coordinators feel like firefighters since they usually deal with emergency issues at schools. Taking political mediation into account, our main focus, we found three dimensions in a coordinator s performance: organizational, pedagogic and socioaffective. These three dimensions are intimately connected. Considering the examples provided by the coordinators, we could define each dimension. The coordinators pointed out that the organizational dimension is used basically during the study center when teachers plan their classes. During that time, teachers get to know the information sent by the Municipal Secretary of Education – SME/Rio, and ask questions about the material (Orientações Curriculares, Descritores, Cadernos de Apoio Pedagógico). The organizational dimension can get highly regulatory when a coordinator checks the class diaries, takes a look at teachers lesson plans, and makes sure the activities were done. In the organizational dimension, many times the coordinator substitutes for a missing teacher due to a lack of a suitable infrastructure at schools. Considering the pedagogic dimension, the coordinators claimed that, together with the teachers, they make activities that aim at students good performance on exams. Moreover, they plan activities based on the Political Pedagogic Project. In addition, they make and use activities for review classes and after-school for the students with learning difficulties. In terms of evaluation, besides the bimonthly exams provided by the SME/Rio, they create and recreate various tools to track students progress. They also make activities to enrich the curriculum using a variety of didactic resources, in addition to the materials sent by the SME/Rio. In respect to the socioaffective dimension, the data show that the coordinators aim at creating affective bonds with several segments of the school community in order to conciliate personal socioaffective demands with the recontextualization process of the SME/Rio policies. In this dimension, the coordinator deals with the expectations of the teachers, the parents and the students to create a friendly environment in order to achieve the performance goals. During the meetings set up by the coordinators, it s important to conciliate the conflicts that might come up between the teachers opinions and the political demands of the SME/Rio.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-05-16T15:22:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 yussefdaibertsalomaocampos.pdf: 1709122 bytes, checksum: acddad31f938f6977d33d5fa2e1d0dd3 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-16T15:56:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 yussefdaibertsalomaocampos.pdf: 1709122 bytes, checksum: acddad31f938f6977d33d5fa2e1d0dd3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-16T15:56:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 yussefdaibertsalomaocampos.pdf: 1709122 bytes, checksum: acddad31f938f6977d33d5fa2e1d0dd3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-14 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Essa tese trata do patrimônio cultural como matéria a ser inserida no corpo constitucional da Carta de 1988, envolvido na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (ANC) brasileira de 1987 e 1988. O objetivo é o de identificar os atores envolvidos, as discussões, diretas e transversais, que se apropriaram do tema durante o processo Constituinte mais recente da história do país. É também o de entender os meandros que levaram à redação final do que hoje conhecemos como artigo 216, o mais importante da Constituição da República no que tange à conceituação do patrimônio e a designação das formas de preservação e proteção. Para isso, foram utilizadas revisões bibliográficas, pesquisa em fontes como atas de audiência e reuniões no período Constituinte, e a consulta a jornais para estruturar a tese ora apresentada. Será visto que alguns conflitos tangenciaram a discussão, mas quando o tema foi diretamente debatido, a tendência foi a de conciliação como resultado das tratativas entre as partes envolvidas. A ANC, como ambiência política, será perscrutada, no que se refere ao patrimônio, para revelar quais mediadores, agentes e reivindicações destacaram-se e como suas ações refletiram num artigo abrangente, com um conceito amplo de patrimônio cultural. A demanda por reconhecimento de culturas, identidades e memórias será considerada, todavia a sua perspectiva econômica acerca da propriedade da terra, por parte de grupos indígenas e de negros, marginalizados nas políticas públicas de até então, foi encarada como assunto de menor relevo pela ANC, em uma nítida contenção de conflitos, por um lado, e atendimento a anseios de forças políticas incisivas, de outro. / This thesis addresses the issue of cultural patrimony during the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly of 1987 and 1988, with regard to its insertion in the body of the text of the 1988 Constitution. The aim is to identify the actors involved and the direct and transversal discussions that focused on this theme during the most recent constitutional process in the history of the country. It also aims to understand the intricacies that have led to the final text of what we know today as article 216, the most important one of the Constitution of the Republic concerning the conceptualization of patrimony and the designation of means for its preservation and protection. Therefore, the present work has been built upon bibliography review, consultation to newspapers and searches through minutes of hearings and meetings held during the constitutional period. It is possible to observe that some conflicts have appeared during the discussions, but once the issue was directly debated, there was a tendency to conciliation, as a result from negotiations among the actors involved. This is a comprehensive article, with a broad concept of cultural patrimony, which investigated the National Constituent Assembly (ANC, for its acronym in Portuguese) as a political ambience, on the issue of patrimony, in order to reveal the most remarkable mediators, actors and requests, as well as the reflections of their actions. The claims for the recognition of cultures, identities and memories have been considered by the Constituent Assembly. Nevertheless, the economic perspective towards land property by groups of indigenous and black people, marginalized by public policies until then, has been treated as a less relevant issue, on one side as a clear avoidance of conflicts, on the other as an answer to incisive political forces.

Les révolutions de l’Est ont induit la fragmentation des Etats qui s’est accompagnée, sur le plan interne par une renaissance des partis ethniques ; ce qui ne va pas sans poser de problèmes à la démocratie politique. Les transitions et a fortiori les consolidations démocratiques font émerger un double phénomène d’interaction entre les acteurs et le système, dans la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Les partis ethniques se politisent alors que le système s’ouvre à l’acteur ethnique. On assiste donc à un réajustement évolutif du système devant la nouvelle donne. Le système s’ouvre aux nouvelles demandes à caractère ethnique de différentes façons et à différents degrés : entre la légalisation et la tolérance. Côté acteurs, les partis ethniques rentrent progressivement dans le jeu politique ; de différentes façons et à différents degrés. Dans notre champ problématique les relations interactives se déploient entre acteurs multi-niveaux (partis-Etats) et dans les divers champs (politique, sociétal et juridique). Leurs connexions sont croisées entre l’espace étatique et internationale, public et civil, politique et sociétal ; avec les Etats d’accueil ou d’origine, mais aussi, les Etats-tiers. Ils sont à velléités indépendantistes ou simplement des lobbies politiques. Nous avons essayé de mettre en lumière les principaux aspects de la complexité de la question ethnique dans les jeunes démocraties politiques ‘‘en consolidation’’. La problématique ethnique des PECO peut-elle nous aider à compléter en actualisant certaines visions généralistes des sciences politiques ? Les acteurs impliqués sont ainsi invités à éviter les pièges des nationalismes perçus comme ‘‘mesquins’’, voire ‘‘chaotiques’’ tout en servant la cause d’une plus souple intégration politique alias la ‘‘paix démocratique’’. / The revolutions of Eastern induced fragmentation of States were accompanied internally by a revival of ethnic parties, which is not without its problems in political democracy. Transitions and even more democratic consolidation are emerging a double phenomenon of interaction between actors and the system in search of a new equilibrium. Ethnic parties then politicize the system opens the ethnic actor. We are witnessing an evolutionary adjustment of the system to the new situation. The system opens to the new demands ethnic ways and to different degrees: between legalization and tolerance. Side actors, are gradually returning ethnic parties in the political game, in different ways and to different degrees. In our problem the field deploy interactive relationships between multi-level actors (parties-States) and in the various fields (political, societal and legal). Their connections are crossed between the State and international space, public and civil, political and social, with host countries or origin, but also the third States. They are separatist ambitions or simply political lobbies. We tried to highlight the main aspects of the complexity of the ethnic issue in young democracies political '' in consolidation ''. The ethnic problem of CEEC can help us to complete updating some general visions of political science? The actors involved are invited to avoid the pitfalls of nationalism perceived as '' petty '' or '' chaotic '' while serving the cause of a more flexible policy integration to the ‘‘democratic peace’’.