In order to survive assimilative pressures since the time of colonization, the marginalized Mapuche people have been forced to hybridize with dominant normative gender, ethnic, and religious constructs of the Chilean state. Historically competing beliefs and practices fueled imperious, state-driven hegemonic modes of domination through structural oppression of the Mapuche in attempt to normalize the distinct indigenous population. When assimilation failed, the enduring clash of beliefs and practices led to the construction of indigenous difference as deviant and inferior to justify marginalization of the Mapuche people. This thesis illustrates how contemporary issues of health embody the deeply rooted conflict between the Mapuche and the Chilean nation. It examines three examples of the clash, resistance, and adaptation of Mapuche health practices and concepts within the construction of the state in this assimilative process. These three instances of unequal hybridization of cultures are 1) the development of the traditional Mapuche healer, the machi, 2) the incidence and conceptualization of sexually transmitted disease within the Mapuche community, and 3) the change in food practices and consumption in Mapuche communities.

The purpose of this paper is to examine and to analyze the arguments about a possible Swedish law against the veil. I have therefore highlighted how notions about the veil creates and reproduces power-structures and meaning-systems. I structured the arguments in a pro et contra schedule and then analyzed them by using a theoretical framework consisting post-colonial feminism, orientalism, multi-culture and intersectionality together with research produced by Joan Wallach Scott (2010), Pia Karlsson Minganti (2007) and Anne Sofie Roald (2003). The results of the study shows that the people who either argue for or against a veil-law agree that the veil is an oppression of women and that it must be resisted. To be objective in the discussion of the veil seems to be impossible and the women it affects deprived voice. A piece of cloth has never been as controversial as the veil and the question is whether it is possible to reach consensus on its symbolism, the arguments that I analyzed contradicts it.

This dissertation means to examine Faulkner¡¦s Depression-Era fiction as a post-traumatic syndrome pervasive in the Southern psyche. I read Faulkner from a cultural triangulation of race, class, and gender in Yoknapatawpha. These triangular coordinates often close in on somewhere on the far horizon, in their relations with the Civil War and its aftermath. That is the way history insinuates herself into Faulkner¡¦s art. Opening with a chapter on The Sound and the Fury, I contend that the novel sets an eschatological scene for my investigation of its relation with the bulk of Faulkner¡¦s writing throughout the ¡¦30s. The Compsons¡¦ apocalyptic ¡§now,¡¨ 1929, is thoroughly checked for its temporal entanglement with the Confederate memories. How Faulkner¡¦s Great Depression contemporaneity laments over the Lost Cause gives us a topological context where the Confederate vestiges pop out at every corner. In Chapter two, I will slash vertically into white ideology for another visage of the white South¡¦s trauma¡Xa class-aware orchestration of monologues in the apocalyptical ¡§now.¡¨ Who lies dying is a self-consuming question among the Bundrens. This is where Faulkner comes closest to the socio-economic issue in the 30s. In the analysis of As I Lay Dying, I will engage with Diaspora theories of cultural displacement, along with a Marxist elucidation of ¡§structure of feeling¡¨ to fully denote the submerged living standards of the poor whites in the Depression Era. As for the third chapter, I will engage with the places in which the white Southern subjectivity itches¡Xrace and racism, and the dominant Yankee influence embodied by the Carpetbagger offspring Joanna Burden¡¦s unsuccessful taming of an ¡§interpellated¡¨ mulatto, Joe Christmas. The Diasporic depths in Faulkner¡¦s oeuvre carries on with all the cultural and identitarian others coming into the South to challenge the white supremacist in Light in August. Joe Christmas¡¦s wandering is not so much a victimization of racism, as he is a chameleon in identity relations inserted in a fanatical, politicized South¡Xa praxis around which different identities cite their own traumas. Moving from a vicarious way to retell the stories in a time of loss and upheaval, the fourth chapter touches the per se of the South¡¦s historical trauma, the defeat in the Civil War and its aftermath. I investigate two variants in the South¡¦s collective reproduction of this traumatic origin: Absalom, Absalom! with its gothic chronotope that runs parallel with the progressive modernity, i.e., the milieu of Quentin¡¦s apocalypse now; The Unvanquished with a deconstructive lens to look at the southern cavalier fatherhood, namely, Bayard Sartoris¡¦ rejection to avenge his father in its ¡§An Odor of Verbena.¡¨ The former rejects Anderson¡¦s ¡§homogeneous empty time¡¨ and the latter bids farewells to the Cavalier past by an overdose of romanticism and then an abrupt reversal at the apogee of the romantic vision. Concentrating on a self-therapeutic outlook on Faulkner and his South, I trace a symbolic economy of ¡§working through¡¨ in which Faulkner rehearses the Southern history by multiple overexposures of its trauma. It is also a project to tie Faulkner¡¦s own identity formation to a process of victimization in relation to these memories: his southern diasporic self in the 30s against the capitalistic centers of an intellectual New York and a commercial Hollywood. Faulkner embeds a humiliation in either vision. He is an epitome of the South¡¦s memories of loss and its concomitant pain.

This thesis is the study of Great Power nvaliy during 1958-1963, a period of both increasing political and economic cooperation in Western Europe and transatlantic relations within NATO against a background of the Cold War France and Britain are the focus of our analysis. The two states show the same characteristics in this period: Both powers had come out of World War H as victors and, despite having been much weakened by the war, had won an international status a Great Powers thanks to a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council. They were both colonial powers tiying to adjust to a new world order based on East-West bipolarity and the domination of the two super-powers. Against a background of international decline from pre-war power, both France and Britain were looking for new ways to secure their rank and international influence through both NATO and the EEC, while trying to adapt to a changed bi-polar and post-colonial world order. NATO and Europe are therefore the main issue area of this thesis, which is structured as a series of studies into the main areas of Anglo-French rivalry in the above period. We show that the real reasons for failed negotiations - whether over the Free Trade Area, tripartism in NATO, or British membership of the EEC - are to be found in Great Power rivahy for a leading place in Europe. We thus contend that Anglo-French political rivalry ultimately led to a breakdown of negotiations, rather than any of the negotiations themselves breaking down, and that NATO affairs and European affairs were closely linked. Each state failed to accept the other within its respective sphere of influence, since each had mutually exclusive interests, a factor which in the end, despite sincere efforts in both Paris and London, wrecked Anglo-French cooperation on Europe and NATO and thus prevented the two states from working together on restoring their declining international rank.

This historical narrative examined the impact of institutional and individual racism during the Post Civil Rights Era by analyzing the life and work of minister, businessman, and educator, Reverend Harry H. Singleton, II of Horry County. South Carolina. Special attention was given to Singleton’s role in the integration of Horry County Public Schools. the Conway High School football boycott, and his work as a civil rights leader with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Further, incidents in Singleton’s life and career as a civil rights activist reflect the legal support of district courts in South Carolina. particularly in the case of Harry H. Singleton v. Horry County Board of Education. Based on the research, Singleton’s life is reflective of an African-American leader whose contributions to race relations on the grassroots level was indicative of his life experiences growing up in Edgefield. South Carolina and his commitment to correcting racism in Horry County, South Carolina from 1965 to 2005.

No description available.

As an anarchist and a Muslim, I have witnessed troubled times as a result of extreme divisions that exist between these two identities and communities. To minimize these divisions, I argue for an anti-capitalist and anti-authoritarian Islam, an ‘anarca-Islam’, that disrupts two commonly held beliefs: one, that Islam is necessarily authoritarian and capitalist; two, that anarchism is necessarily anti-religious. From this position I offer ‘anarca-Islam’ which I believe can help open-minded (non-essentialist/non-dogmatic) Muslims and anarchists to better understand each other, and therefore to more effectively collaborate in the context of what Richard JF Day has called the ’newest’ social movements. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2009-09-08 12:11:39.996

This study examines the socialist project in Mozambique under the political party Frente de Libertação de Moçambique or Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) from the time of independence in 1975 to the end of its 15-year war with Mozambique National Resistance (MNR/RENAMO) in 1994. After achieving independence from a brutal and obstinate system of Portuguese colonialism in 1975, the chief organization that led the anti-colonial struggle, FRELIMO began a process of creating a socialist-oriented modern nation, modelled on existing examples worldwide. Facing widespread hardship and seemingly insurmountable challenges as well as crumbling communist regimes elsewhere in the world, FRELIMO’s efforts however, soon came to end in the late 1980s. This thesis critically engages the factors that led to the failure of the development of socialism in Mozambique with particular focus on the way that historians and scholars have understood such factors. Combining a review of the existing historiographical literature on the topic as well as data drawn from primary sources from the historical events under study, the aim of the research is to provide an alternative understanding of the collapse of this much-touted and widely observed period of transition for this southeast African country. The thesis suggests re-conceptualizing the notion of single-state self-sufficient socialism as conceived of by FRELIMO, particularly in nations historically subjugated to colonialism and more recently the dictates of international capital, and in doing so also contends that a number of key elements of socialist theories of development have been overlooked in the process. In the context of a recent global economic recession and the seeming deterioration of state authority in the face of globalization, it is necessary to examine the confluence of historical paths that led to the current situation and in this sense the thesis will contribute another view of these histories.

Master of Arts / Department of English / Katherine Karlin / Fintan O’Toole proposes that Irish modernist writers could afford to be “opaque, allusive, densely textured” (410). Contrastingly, he posits that contemporary Irish writers, who engage in the simple ritual of words, believe that “the accumulation of potent and precise detail, if it is sufficiently thoroughly imagined, will call the universe into being” (412). The later microcosmic approach to storytelling has the power to speak to the same philosophical ideas, falling away from “the high ambition of Irish modernism” (412). “Roinnt Scéalta: Some Stories about Irish People” examines financial globalization and social progress in Ireland through careful observation of daily life, simple fragments of Irish characters’ lives, stripped-down to small moments that stand for larger public truths: Irish wives still want holidays to Europe, Irish men still wish to gamble and be independent of authority in their work, young adults still emigrate to America. Yet there are new truths: Black children speak Irish in Gael scoils, children of Polish and Chinese immigrants play hurling and Gaelic football in Croke Park, and African men set up window-washing services in small Irish towns. These stories evoke the voices of the displaced to convey the ways in which Ireland is shifting, socially and economically: Frank has lost his job as a painter, and the strain it causes on his marriage forces him into a job for a large corporation; Peo, having demolished his way through Dublin to pave space for apartments he could never afford and businesses he would never patron, finds work providing simple comfort to Buffalo, who is at the mercy of state-supported healthcare and monthly welfare checks; Iarla is convinced by Seán that moving to America will remedy his sense of deflation toward the Irish job market. While the progression of social norms is queried in these stories, they still reinforce and embody many of the sweeping generalizations associated with Irish fiction. This collection delves into the minds and morals of the displaced Irish working class, focusing oftentimes on the pub and the inner-workings of local, social politics in a fictional small town on the skirt of Dublin’s southside.

This study aims to investigate and analyse certain aspects regarding the current condition of the Philippines. Both of its culture and its polities, approached within perspectives of historical epochs of colonialism and its aftermaths regarding post-colonial discourse. The contemporary society of the Philippines has been deeply imprinted by its colonial legacies and left a profound mark on its culture, tradition and the development of its politics both from the institutional perspectives and international context. This project aims to confront some of the structural roots and causes that contribute to its national crisis such as mass poverty and the persisting oppression that permeates within the society of the Philippines, regarding its national identity and its global status as a former colony under western powers. The context of this project is about the enduring and uneasy relationship between the Philippines and the former western hegemonic powers, Spain in the late 15th century and the United States in the early 19th century, that have assumed territorial border in the archipelago. In which it has subsequently determined and consolidated, however constrained and inescapable, many of the historical, cultural and political formations that have influenced developmental trajectories in the Philippines Society.