This thesis analyzes the US response to the 1994 Rwandan genocide. It argues that in 1994, the US was retooling its stance on humanitarian intervention because of the disastrous US-led Operation Gothic Serpent in Somalia in 1993. Therefore, the American response to the genocide in Rwanda became a casualty of Washington’s reassessment of its humanitarian intervention policy in the 1990s. The reason behind the US adoption of a more muscular humanitarian intervention policy was due in part to the end of the Cold War in 1991. Thus, the US was able to focus on other issues in international affairs, such as human security, which became a focal point of George H.W Bush’s New World Order. This policy plan outlined areas in which the US could assist the world with human rights issues through cooperation with the United Nations. In 1993, the Clinton Administration expanded the principles of Bush’s New World Order to create a muscular American foreign policy platform that imposed US domestic ideas of human rights on international affairs. Subsequent polarizing events would force the US to retreat from humanitarian intervention. This resulted in a new, lukewarm approach to humanitarian intervention by the Clinton Administration. The new cautious approach to humanitarian intervention affected the US response to the genocide in Rwanda. This thesis aims to reassess how the US reacted to this particular genocide.

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“I know not with what weapons World War III will be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks and stones.” ― Albert Einstein Today we live in very interesting times for researchers but at the same time very dangerous for the whole human existence and our planet. Today we mostly consume information from big news companies controlled by huge corporations whose actions threaten the population’s misleading due to the simplified and one-sided narratives. Unfortunately, most of them are becoming very mainstream and even propagandistic. Nowadays it can be said not only about traditionally propagandist Russian ones but also about previously rather neutral and quite independent media in the USA, EU, and other Western countries. Today’s mainstream media outlets more and more often provide us (news consumers) with simplified and not objective information which is often based on somebody’s opinion-based evaluations or judgments and less on original data and documents. This extremely dangerous tendency in the modern world should be researched and analyzed to prevent further backsliding into a militaristic and war-oriented agenda and propaganda.  We already live in extremely dangerous times according to the doomsday clock which was established by the father of nuclear weapons Albert Einstein. The world is currently 90 seconds apart from Armageddon. It is the closest it has ever been. To prevent misleading and understand the full complexity of the problems we face today we must investigate the primary sources such as original documents of post-Cold War in order to follow the sequence of events that led us to the new ongoing Cold War 2.0. Only by doing so can it be possible to get a more complex but completer and more logical picture of today’s reality as well as to understand how those reasons, events, and people listed in this thesis led us to the current state of unprecedented crisis. Everything has a reason, thus those prerequisites will be analyzed and discovered with the aim of understanding how the soft, smart, and hard powers with the combination of a realist theory have influenced post-Cold War policies and developments which led humanity to the verge of a nuclear catastrophe once again but with even more dangerous and unpredictable variables than couple decades before. Regardless of all the information presented in this thesis, the Russian war in Ukraine is criminal and has no justification as well as those responsible individuals.

No / The analysis of armed conflict in the post Cold War era has been profoundly influenced by neoclassical economists. Statistical approaches have generated important propositions, but there is a danger when these feed into policy prescriptions. This paper first compares the economics of civil war literature with the social movement literature which has also tried to explain collective action problems. It argues that the latter has a much more sophisticated set of conceptual tools, enriched by empirical study. The paper then uses the case of multipolar militarization in oil-rich Casanare, Colombia, to demonstrate complexity and contingency in civil war trajectories. State policy failure and civil actors can be an important source of explanation alongside the economic agendas of armed actors.

Student Number : 0420292V - MA research report - School of International Relations - Faculty of Humanities / The transformation of the political economy after the Cold War, and particularly the introduction of the knowledge economy and the successful liberation of a group of developing countries, has made a considerable impact on the trading patterns in the global economy. It has also revolutionised the processes of manufacturing, production and consumption. These economic changes have had significant consequences for the countries of the developing world, making the possibility of coalition-building between the countries of the Southern core more feasible, and in this way bringing about fundamental alterations in the political economy of the international system. However, the economic co-operation that takes place in the South is uneven and advances the interests of semi-peripheral states such as India, South Africa and Brazil, giving rise to new patterns of collaboration.

This project examines the foreign policy rhetoric of Bill Clinton in the post-Cold War world. My reading of Clinton’s rhetoric reveals that a change/order binary underwrote his oratory. Clinton defined change as being the underlying guidepost of the post-Cold War international setting. Order was defined through how he could guide, shape, direct, and manage American foreign policy in a sea of change, represented through his use of what I call America’s foreign policy vocabulary. This lexicon is based on three rhetorical components—the definitions of America’s role in the world, identification of the enemies we face, and the grand strategy we use to achieve American interest—have been a resource for presidential foreign policy discourse since America’s founding. Clinton’s use of this vocabulary maintained continuity in its use with his predecessors, but he also modified it in key ways to deal with the changes of the global environment. These modifications positioned Clinton to direct and manage the change to serve American interests which offered a semblance of order for American foreign policy in a sea of international disorder.

Orientador: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Nizar Messari / Banca: Margarida Maria de Carvalho / Resumo: O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar a concepção e a conformação da cultura da paz, enquanto conceito e programa de ação das Nações Unidas, no cenário internacional da década de 1990, e o significado do referido conceito frente à axiologia da paz. Os anos de 1989, que simboliza o término da Guerra Fria, e o de 2001, com a declaração da "guerra ao terrorismo", pelo presidente dos Estados Unidos, demarcam o período delineado para a análise desenvolvida, pois permitem a configuração de um período com características semelhantes no que concerne ao predomínio da cooperação internacional e da multilateralidade, à recorrência de grandes conferências internacionais, no âmbito das Nações Unidas, e de reformulações teóricas e práticas no mandato das operações de paz, ensejando um ambiente normativo propício para a criação do conceito e do programa cultura da paz, conforme constatado. Quanto à análise do conceito de cultura da paz frente aos demais significados da paz, empreende-se, nesta pesquisa, análises histórico-analíticas que abrangem desde a concepção tradicional de paz enquanto ausência de guerras, quanto uma análise pormenorizada do conceito de cultura da paz / Abstract: The objective of this research is to analyze the conception and the conformation of culture of peace as a concept and action programme of the United Nations, within the international scene during the 1990s, and the meaning of such concept regarding the axiology of peace studies. The years of 1989 - considered a symbol of the end of the Cold War - and 2001 - with the declaration of "war on terrorism" by the president of the United States - are the historical references for this research due to some particular characteristics of the period of time between these two years. Such period of time can be described as a decade when international cooperation and multilateratelism were predominant in the international system, when worldwide international conferences within the United Nations regularly occurred and when there were major alterations regarding the mandate and practices in peace operations. All these facts generated a period that can be described as a normative environment, in which the concept and the action programme on culture of peace could be developed. The concept of culture of peace is therefore analyzed in a historical-analytical framework that made it possible to consider from the traditional perspective of peace - as the absence of wars - to the meaning of culture of peace / Mestre

[pt] A América do Sul é uma região cuja anarquia internacional contemporaneamente não apresenta mais um estado de anarquia marcado pelo dilema de segurança. Saber se essa sociedade internacional obteve uma mudança pacífica a ponto de superar este dilema e atingir uma comunidade pluralista de segurança é o problema de pesquisa desta tese. Isso requer o entendimento deste conceito, bem como a constatação da presença de seus elementos constitutivos na região sul-americana. Para responder a esta pergunta, o trabalho foi dividido em duas partes, a primeira de natureza teórica e a segunda de caráter empírico. Cada uma tem dois capítulos. No primeiro capítulo da parte teórica, expõe-se a revisão da literatura sobre comunidades de segurança e, no segundo capítulo, faz-se uma revisão da literatura relativa à segurança internacional na região. Quanto à parte empírica, seu primeiro capítulo foi destinado a traçar um perfil da ordem sulamericana durante a Guerra Fria antes da hipotética emergência de uma comunidade de segurança na região. Já no quarto capítulo demonstra-se seu possível surgimento e consolidação no pós-Guerra Fria. O método comparativo é usado para cotejar esses dois períodos, de modo a captar uma possível transição para uma comunidade de segurança. Conclui-se que, após a guerra fria, não se pode dizer ainda que a América do Sul apresenta todos os elementos de uma Comunidade de Segurança madura, mas se encontra em estágio ascendente. / [en] South America is a region which international anarchy presently does not show a condition marked by the security dilemma anymore. To assess to what extent this international society has obtained a peaceful change up to a point of overcoming this dilemma and achieving a pluralistic security community condition is the research problem of this thesis. It requires the comprehension of this concept, as well as the assessment of its constitutive elements in the South- American region. To answer this question, the thesis has been divided in two parts, the first of theoretical nature and the second of empirical character. Each of them has two chapters. In the first chapter of the theoretical part, one exposes the literature review on security communities. In the second chapter, one makes a literature review of the international security relatively to the region. As for the empirical part, its first chapter has been destined to trace the profile of South- American order during the Cold War, before the hypothetical emergence of a security community in the region. In the fourth chapter, one shows its possible emergence and consolidation in the post-Cold War. The comparative method is used to contrast these two periods in order to capture the possible transition to a Security Community. One concludes that, after the Cold War one cannot state that South America has all elements of a Security C ommunity but it is in an emergent stage.

<p>The issue of humanitarian intervention presents a perennial conundrum and is one of the hottest topics in contemporary international relations. It contains aspects of both idealism and realism and is largely an issue born out of the end of the Cold War. This paper provides a theoretical and empirical evaluation of this normative shift in interstate affairs.</p><p>The vast growing body of human rights law serves as one indication that international law is changing in terms of a shift of focus, away from states, and towards the international community made up of individuals. However, in absence of a formal agreement on how and to what scope international law has changed, conclusions can only be made based on the emerging, limited and fragile body of state and UN practices. If such a shift were to be accompanied by a corresponding empirical transformation, it would undoubtedly represent a huge leap forward towards a more solidarist underpinned world order. The present trends within international relations represent at least an aspiration towards some more clearly envisioned solidarity. As international actors interact, they generate new norms, but one must remember that the actors and their practices are themselves products of older norms. The present structures of international society are not ready to accommodate such change.</p><p>Human rights are important, not only because they become embedded in institutions and create new coalitions between actors, but also because they help states redefine their national interests and identities, as well as help them to choose among conflicting priorities such as sovereignty and humanity. Under the present global system, any discussion of the international protection of human rights and humanitarian intervention implies changes in both norms and practices. The theoretical part of this paper provides a framework for assessing these recent developments by determining first, how and why values are shared, and what these values need to be in order for international society to be categorized as solidarist. The empirical part, then moves on to assess state and UN practice in order to conclude if solidarism is a reality in today’s international society.</p><p>In this paper, I argue that there is an international consensus in terms of a right to humanitarian intervention in cases of threats against international peace and security and where the UN S.C has given its authorization. Furthermore, even though not clearly establishing any such right to intervention, cases like East Timor, northern Iraq and Kosovo points to a normative shift where the redefinition of the concept of sovereignty might become a reality. This new consensus is a product of mainly three recent developments: a more expansive interpretation of the S.C on what constitutes a threat to international peace and security, the revolution of information technology that has heightened awareness of conflict and suffering, and the increased robustness of international human rights norms. While diversity continues to characterize the 21st century, there is a greater degree of consensus on the meaning of sovereignty and human rights today than most pluralists suggest. Nevertheless, the practical behaviour of the international community shows that the commitment to solidarism remains minimal.</p>

The purpose of this investigation is to discuss the relevance of Black theology in light of the emergence of reconstruction theology. It offers a critical survey of a range of contributions on this issue, questioning whether scholars who have used Black theology as a form of self description should shift emphasis, from the paradigm of liberation to reconstruction. The significance of this study has to be understood within the context of the proposal to redirect African theological initiatives from liberation theologies to reconstruction theology. The basis for this call was the end of apartheid in South Africa, which signalled the independence of all countries on the African continent.