Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thiago Spada Zati.pdf: 1227971 bytes, checksum: 6e1a3a4d7b3d445293ecbb4233a3b70f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-25 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The end of the Cold War and the breakdown of the international communism started a new panorama on the Contemporary International Relations and the need of a revision of the role of the United State in the World. The victory of the United States on the Cold War and the dismantled of the Soviet Union produced the conditions for what was named in that time the a New World Order. In this new scenario, the United States were an indispensable nation and the major responsible for the guarantee of the international system order of the sovereign states. The end of the international communism and the collapse of the Soviet Union brought a new context to the international policy, that only one country could have the potential to become the organizer hegemonic power on the world. This context brought an internal reexam of the possible positions that the United States should assume and what the nature of the possible conformations of a New World Order. This research has the purpose to present a panorama of the ideas and debates during this context. Therefore, on the first moment will be present the theoretic perspective in political science and in the international relations related to the legitimacy the order, with the focus on the analysis of the debates that emerge on this post Cold War themes; on the second moment will be approach the ideas panorama that were in debate on the American academy relative of the role that should be performed by the country on the new world context. At least, will be analyzed the affirmations and documents of republicans and democrats policymakers about the choices and purposes of the United States at the end of the bipolar conflict and the ponderations about the order and legitimacy of concepts relatives to the policy practice in that country on this context / O fim da Guerra Fria e o colapso do comunismo internacional criaram um novo panorama nas relações internacionais contemporâneas e a necessidade de uma revisão do papel dos Estados Unidos no mundo. A vitória dos Estados Unidos na Guerra Fria e o desmantelamento da União Soviética criaram as condições para o que foi definido à época como uma Nova Ordem Mundial. Nesse novo cenário, os Estados Unidos seriam a nação indispensável e principal responsável para a garantia da ordem no sistema internacional de Estados soberanos. O fim do comunismo mundial e o colapso da União Soviética trouxeram um contexto novo à política internacional, na qual apenas um país teria o potencial para tornar-se o poder hegemônico organizador no mundo. Este contexto trouxe um reexame interno das possíveis posições que os Estados Unidos deveriam assumir e qual a natureza das possíveis conformações de uma Nova Ordem Mundial. Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo apresentar um panorama das idéias colocadas em debate durante este contexto. Para tanto, num primeiro momento serão apresentadas as perspectivas teóricas em ciência política e em relações internacionais relacionadas ao tema da legitimidade e da ordem, com foco na análise dos debates surgidos sobre estes temas após Guerra Fria; num segundo momento será abordado o panorama das idéias em debate dentro da academia americana relativas ao papel que deveria ser desempenhado pelo país no novo contexto mundial. Por fim serão analisados as afirmações e documentos de policymakers republicanos e democratas a cerca das escolhas e objetivos dos Estados Unidos ao final do conflito bipolar e as ponderações sobre os conceitos de ordem e legitimidade relativas à prática política do país naquele contexto

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Norcia Goncalves.pdf: 572704 bytes, checksum: 526e0796ca6ae2f67df796ac73702c55 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-22 / The process of disintegration of the Yugoslavia has immensely attracted international attention as by its violent character and for showing that the hopes of peace and international stability of the post-Cold War were an illusion as by the reflections around the conflict itself and about themes co-related to the limits of both International Order and System and the function of the states. Studying this experience is very relevant for evaluating the meaning of international interventions and its consequences. The present research analyses the question f the sovereignty having as a case study the Balkans crisis during de 1990´s as a result to Tito´s death and the collapse of the region after the Cold War. It talks about the history of the region, the interventions occurred in the 1990´s, the creation of the International Criminal Court and OTAN´s action in Kosovo. It will rises two important points: the practice of humanitarian intervention that, undoubtedly, imply in a reinterpretation of the sovereignty as a society´s central regulator principle; and the problems resulted from the processes of (re) construction of the states during the post- Cold War / O processo desintegração da ex-Federação Iugoslava atraiu intensamente a atenção internacional tanto pelo seu caráter violento e por demonstrar a ilusão das esperanças de paz e estabilidade internacionais no pós-Guerra Fria quanto pelas reflexões que foram geradas em torno do conflito em si e sobre temas correlacionados aos limites e alcances do Sistema Internacional, da Ordem Internacional e sobre o papel dos Estados. Estudar esta experiência é de grande relevância para avaliar o significado das intervenções internacionais e suas conseqüências. O presente trabalho analisa, portanto, a questão da soberania, tendo como estudo de caso a crise ocorrida nos Bálcãs na década de 1990 em decorrência da morte do marechal Tito e do colapso da península depois do fim da Guerra Fria. Aborda o histórico da península, as intervenções ocorridas na região na década de 1990, a instituição de um Tribunal Penal Internacional e a ação da OTAN no Kosovo. A preocupação é levantar dois importantes pontos: a prática da intervenção humanitária, que inegavelmente, implica uma reinterpretação da regra da soberania como princípio regulador central da sociedade internacional; e os problemas resultantes dos processos de (re) construção dos Estados no pós-Guerra Fria

The objective of this thesis is to analyze whether the EU can be considered as a &lsquo / limited&rsquo / military/strategic actor or as a civilian actor in the Post-Cold War international security architecture. In this framework, the impacts of the September 11 terrorist attacks and the US-led war in Iraq on the EU crisis management capabilities are analyzed more specifically. In this framework, firstly, the historical dynamics of European foreign and security policy from the Post-World War II period to the Post-September 11 period are analyzed. Secondly, the EU&rsquo / s changing role in the international arena together with its crisis management capability is evaluated. Thirdly, the EU&rsquo / s international actorness in the Post-September 11 era is discussed with a special reference to the US-led war in Iraq. In this general framework, following a brief analysis on reactions of the US and the EU against global terrorism, crisis management strategy of the EU during and after US-led war in Iraq is analyzed in detail. The last part allocated to, a critical analysis of the security actorness of the EU is made in order to conceptualize it and to draw a more theoretical framework. Moreover, it is mentioned in this thesis that while having triggering effect on the CFSP and ESDP, the 9/11 events and the US-led war in Iraq provides the emergence of new methods for crisis management and the European Security Strategy. Accordingly, considering the new international security context beginning with the end of Cold War period and transforming to another dimension by means of September 11 attacks, the main argument of this thesis is that the EU still tends to be a civilian actor as it was before and it is envisaged to be so in the foreseeable future despite its latest attempts to develop its common security and defence policies.

O presente trabalho investiga a influência do sistema internacional e de seus principais componentes no processo de construção e desconstrução da República Federativa Socialista da Iugoslávia. A partir da consideração dos conceitos de Charles Tilly sobre guerra e dominação, busca-se trazer a política e as relações internacionais para o centro da discussão sobre a questão iugoslava, a qual é comumente tratada apenas na perspectiva étnica. Assim, os principais fatos da trajetória iugoslava são pincelados à luz das estratégias político-econômicas dos grandes poderes mundiais em relação ao território balcânico. Para isso, analisa-se a criação e a dissolução da Iugoslávia pela ótica da teoria dos sistemas-mundo de Immanuel Wallerstein, para mostrar que a posição que este país ocupou no sistema mundial contemporâneo foi determinada pelos interesses estratégicos das grandes potências, que exerceram a dominação da região em termos políticos e econômicos. O propósito é mostrar que os principais pólos de poder do sistema-mundo da época incentivaram a criação do Estado iugoslavo em razão de interesses específicos, e instrumentalizaram o conflito étnico quando estes interesses já não mais existiam, com o fim da Guerra Fria e a queda do comunismo. / This study investigates the influence of the international system and its major components in the construction and dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Considering Charles Tilly’s concepts on war and domination, we try to bring politics and international relations to the center of the discussion on Yugoslavia, which is often treated solely from the ethnicity perspective. Thus, the main facts of Yugoslav history are brushed in light of the political-economic strategies of the great powers over the Balkans. We analyze the creation and dissolution of Yugoslavia from the perspective of Immanuel Wallerstein's worldsystems theory, in order to show that the position occupied by this country in the contemporary world system was determined by strategic interests of great powers which have dominated the region politically and economically. The purpose is to show that the major powers encouraged the establishment of the Yugoslav state due to their interests, and when these interests no longer existed, they instrumentalized the ethnic conflict in the end of the Cold War and the fall of communism.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-06-22Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:54:40Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 volz_mb_me_fran.pdf: 1042789 bytes, checksum: 27834998d1188adf6946bf0bc52272bc (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O objetivo desta pesquisa reside na análise dos motivos que explicam a criação do Tribunal Penal Internacional ter ocorrido apenas na década de 1990, precisamente em 1998, sendo que desde o início do século XX já existiam propostas para instauração de uma organização internacional semelhante a essa. Para tanto, são analisados, inicialmente, as origens do processo de internacionalização dos direitos humanos e os antecedentes, tanto institucionais quanto sob a perspectiva dos princípios jurídicos, do Tribunal Penal Internacional. Considerando que as Nações Unidas só voltaram a deliberar sobre este projeto após o término da Guerra Fria, são investigados, também, de que maneira o encerramento desse peculiar conflito, bem como as suas repercussões no âmbito das relações internacionais, influenciaram na retomada e no desenvolvimento das negociações sobre a proposta do Tribunal. Esclarecidos esses motivos, procede-se a uma análise sobre as três fases que compuseram o processo político para a elaboração do Estatuto do Tribunal e culminaram na instauração dessa corte internacional: a inicial, no âmbito da Comissão de Direito Internacional; a intermediária, coordenada pelo Comitê Preparatório, e a final, ocorrida na Conferência de Roma. Encerra-se esta pesquisa discutindo-se os aspectos mais atuais acerca do Tribunal Penal Internacional e os limites da sua criação / This research intends to explain the reasons why the International Criminal Court establishment took place just in the nineties, precisely in 1998, but since the begin of the twentieth century there were already proposals for the creation of a international organization like this. In order to accomplish this objective, are analyzed, initially, the origins of the human rights internalization process, and the background, both institutional and from the perspective of legal principals, to the International Criminal Court. Considering that the United Nations just come back to deliberate about this project after the end of the Cold War, are investigated, furthermore, how the end of this particular conflict, including its consequences in the international relations, influenced the resume and the development of the negotiations about the Court proposal. Clarified these reasons, the research is developed with the analysis of the three phases that made up the political process for the elaboration of the Court Statute, and that culminated in the establishment of the International Criminal Court: the first within the International Law Commission, the intermediate, coordinated by the Preparatory Committee, and the final, held at the Rome Conference. This research is concluded by discussing the most current aspects regarding the International Criminal Court and the limits of its creation

O presente trabalho investiga a influência do sistema internacional e de seus principais componentes no processo de construção e desconstrução da República Federativa Socialista da Iugoslávia. A partir da consideração dos conceitos de Charles Tilly sobre guerra e dominação, busca-se trazer a política e as relações internacionais para o centro da discussão sobre a questão iugoslava, a qual é comumente tratada apenas na perspectiva étnica. Assim, os principais fatos da trajetória iugoslava são pincelados à luz das estratégias político-econômicas dos grandes poderes mundiais em relação ao território balcânico. Para isso, analisa-se a criação e a dissolução da Iugoslávia pela ótica da teoria dos sistemas-mundo de Immanuel Wallerstein, para mostrar que a posição que este país ocupou no sistema mundial contemporâneo foi determinada pelos interesses estratégicos das grandes potências, que exerceram a dominação da região em termos políticos e econômicos. O propósito é mostrar que os principais pólos de poder do sistema-mundo da época incentivaram a criação do Estado iugoslavo em razão de interesses específicos, e instrumentalizaram o conflito étnico quando estes interesses já não mais existiam, com o fim da Guerra Fria e a queda do comunismo. / This study investigates the influence of the international system and its major components in the construction and dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Considering Charles Tilly’s concepts on war and domination, we try to bring politics and international relations to the center of the discussion on Yugoslavia, which is often treated solely from the ethnicity perspective. Thus, the main facts of Yugoslav history are brushed in light of the political-economic strategies of the great powers over the Balkans. We analyze the creation and dissolution of Yugoslavia from the perspective of Immanuel Wallerstein's worldsystems theory, in order to show that the position occupied by this country in the contemporary world system was determined by strategic interests of great powers which have dominated the region politically and economically. The purpose is to show that the major powers encouraged the establishment of the Yugoslav state due to their interests, and when these interests no longer existed, they instrumentalized the ethnic conflict in the end of the Cold War and the fall of communism.

O presente trabalho investiga a influência do sistema internacional e de seus principais componentes no processo de construção e desconstrução da República Federativa Socialista da Iugoslávia. A partir da consideração dos conceitos de Charles Tilly sobre guerra e dominação, busca-se trazer a política e as relações internacionais para o centro da discussão sobre a questão iugoslava, a qual é comumente tratada apenas na perspectiva étnica. Assim, os principais fatos da trajetória iugoslava são pincelados à luz das estratégias político-econômicas dos grandes poderes mundiais em relação ao território balcânico. Para isso, analisa-se a criação e a dissolução da Iugoslávia pela ótica da teoria dos sistemas-mundo de Immanuel Wallerstein, para mostrar que a posição que este país ocupou no sistema mundial contemporâneo foi determinada pelos interesses estratégicos das grandes potências, que exerceram a dominação da região em termos políticos e econômicos. O propósito é mostrar que os principais pólos de poder do sistema-mundo da época incentivaram a criação do Estado iugoslavo em razão de interesses específicos, e instrumentalizaram o conflito étnico quando estes interesses já não mais existiam, com o fim da Guerra Fria e a queda do comunismo. / This study investigates the influence of the international system and its major components in the construction and dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Considering Charles Tilly’s concepts on war and domination, we try to bring politics and international relations to the center of the discussion on Yugoslavia, which is often treated solely from the ethnicity perspective. Thus, the main facts of Yugoslav history are brushed in light of the political-economic strategies of the great powers over the Balkans. We analyze the creation and dissolution of Yugoslavia from the perspective of Immanuel Wallerstein's worldsystems theory, in order to show that the position occupied by this country in the contemporary world system was determined by strategic interests of great powers which have dominated the region politically and economically. The purpose is to show that the major powers encouraged the establishment of the Yugoslav state due to their interests, and when these interests no longer existed, they instrumentalized the ethnic conflict in the end of the Cold War and the fall of communism.

The issue of humanitarian intervention presents a perennial conundrum and is one of the hottest topics in contemporary international relations. It contains aspects of both idealism and realism and is largely an issue born out of the end of the Cold War. This paper provides a theoretical and empirical evaluation of this normative shift in interstate affairs. The vast growing body of human rights law serves as one indication that international law is changing in terms of a shift of focus, away from states, and towards the international community made up of individuals. However, in absence of a formal agreement on how and to what scope international law has changed, conclusions can only be made based on the emerging, limited and fragile body of state and UN practices. If such a shift were to be accompanied by a corresponding empirical transformation, it would undoubtedly represent a huge leap forward towards a more solidarist underpinned world order. The present trends within international relations represent at least an aspiration towards some more clearly envisioned solidarity. As international actors interact, they generate new norms, but one must remember that the actors and their practices are themselves products of older norms. The present structures of international society are not ready to accommodate such change. Human rights are important, not only because they become embedded in institutions and create new coalitions between actors, but also because they help states redefine their national interests and identities, as well as help them to choose among conflicting priorities such as sovereignty and humanity. Under the present global system, any discussion of the international protection of human rights and humanitarian intervention implies changes in both norms and practices. The theoretical part of this paper provides a framework for assessing these recent developments by determining first, how and why values are shared, and what these values need to be in order for international society to be categorized as solidarist. The empirical part, then moves on to assess state and UN practice in order to conclude if solidarism is a reality in today’s international society. In this paper, I argue that there is an international consensus in terms of a right to humanitarian intervention in cases of threats against international peace and security and where the UN S.C has given its authorization. Furthermore, even though not clearly establishing any such right to intervention, cases like East Timor, northern Iraq and Kosovo points to a normative shift where the redefinition of the concept of sovereignty might become a reality. This new consensus is a product of mainly three recent developments: a more expansive interpretation of the S.C on what constitutes a threat to international peace and security, the revolution of information technology that has heightened awareness of conflict and suffering, and the increased robustness of international human rights norms. While diversity continues to characterize the 21st century, there is a greater degree of consensus on the meaning of sovereignty and human rights today than most pluralists suggest. Nevertheless, the practical behaviour of the international community shows that the commitment to solidarism remains minimal.

The main goal of this disertation is to map American pespectives on the position of Central Europe in American foreign policy after the Cold War. Its ambition is to systematize the particular area of American foreign policy thought that deals with Central Europe and, more precisely, with U.S. relations with the region. The goal is to contribute to a better understanding of how have the individual camps and traditions represented in the American foreign policy debate approached this particular issue. To achieve these goals, this disertation employs two existing typologies of American foreign policy thought and, subsequently, attempts to create a new, original typology that would better suit the aim of mapping the whole spectrum of relevant American perspectives on Central Europe. This disertation does not describe what has really happened in Central European-American relations, but rather aims at understanding better the U.S. foreign policy thought or, better said, one specific part of it: Opinions on U.S.-Central European relations and the position of Central Erope in international politics. Analysing the American post-Cold War discourse on Central Europe is the instrument to achieve this goal. This disertation, however, does not pressupose a direct causal link between the discourse and the...

This thesis examines the policies, positions, and perspectives of developing countries on the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention after the Cold War, focusing on the period between 1991 and 2001. In doing so, it questions the role of opposition that conventional wisdom has allotted to them as parochial defenders of sovereignty. Instead, the thesis reveals variation and complexity, which militates against defining the South, or the issues that humanitarian intervention raises, in simplistic either-or terms. Part I draws on insights about ‘sovereignty as what states make of it’ to break the classic pluralism-solidarism impasse that has otherwise stymied the conversation on humanitarian intervention and confined the South as a whole to a ‘black box’ labelled rejectionism. It reconstructs the empirical record of developing countries at large on six cases of military intervention (northern Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Kosovo, and East Timor), revealing variation that defies easy categorization. It also charts a cumulative and dynamic trend within the South towards a grey area between pluralism and solidarism that shows how these were not diametrically opposed positions. Following from that, Part II looks in-depth at India and Argentina. Whereas Argentina accepted the idea of humanitarian intervention, India remained reluctant to countenance it and persistently objected to the development of a new rule in its favour. Part II argues that the level of congruence between the emerging norm and the two countries’ prevailing values, aspirations, and historically constructed ways of thinking played a key role in determining the different levels of acceptance that the idea found with them. Part III delves deeper into the substance of their views. It shows how neither country constructed mutually exclusive choices between pluralism and solidarism, sovereignty and human rights, and intervention and non-intervention. Rather, both exhibited an acute awareness of the dilemmas of protecting human rights in a society of states, and a wariness of yes-no answers. Cumulatively, this thesis thus points away from thinking about the South itself as a given category with clear, shared or pre-determined ideas, and towards a more nuanced and inclusive conversation on humanitarian intervention.