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Jusqu’à maintenant, la prison a surtout été analysée à partir du point de vue des détenus et celui des surveillants comme si le vécu de l’enfermement et la relation détenus-surveillants étaient les seuls points de vue permettant d’en apprendre sur ce qu’elle est et d’en saisir le fonctionnement. Nous pensons, pour notre part, que d’autres points de vue sont possibles, voire même souhaitables. C’est le cas, notamment, de celui des enseignants qui exercent leur métier en prison. Bien que théoriquement en mesure d’offrir un complément intéressant aux fonctions de dissuasion et de réinsertion sociale que la prison remplit difficilement à elle seule, le projet éducatif carcéral constitue une activité plus ou moins marginalisée qui est ramenée au niveau des autres activités pénitentiaires. Au premier chef, c’est à la prison que nous sommes tentés d’en imputer la responsabilité et, de fait, elle y est pour quelque chose. D’abord conçue pour neutraliser des criminels, il lui est difficile de les éduquer en même temps. Mais cette marginalisation, nous le verrons, n’est pas le seul fait de la prison. Elle tient aussi beaucoup au mandat qu’ils se donnent et à la façon dont les enseignants se représentent leur travail. S’étant eux-mêmes défini un mandat ambitieux de modelage et de remodelage de la personnalité de leurs élèves délinquants détenus, prérequis, selon eux, à un retour harmonieux dans la collectivité, les enseignants déplorent qu’on ne leur accorde pas toute la crédibilité qui devrait leur revenir. Cette situation est d’autant plus difficile à vivre, qu’à titre de travailleurs contractuels pour la plupart, ils sont déjà, aux yeux du personnel correctionnel, objets d’une méfiance qui sera d’autant plus grande que, pour effectuer leur travail, ils doivent se faire une représentation du délinquant et du délit peu compatibles avec celles qui prévalent dans le milieu. C’est ainsi qu’à la marginalisation comme fait organisationnel se superpose une auto-marginalisation, incontournable, qui est le fait des enseignants eux-mêmes et qui se traduit par leur attitude de réserve à l’égard de la prison. La chose est d’autant plus paradoxale que le mandat que se donnent les enseignants, bien qu’ils s’en gardent de le dire, correspond tout à fait au projet correctionnel. Mais la prison, davantage préoccupée par la gestion du risque que par la réinsertion sociale des détenus, n’a d’intérêt pour l’éducation en milieu carcéral que dans la mesure où elle permet une socialisation à l’idéologie pénitentiaire et contribue à consolider la paix à l’intérieur des murs avec la complicité des enseignants eux-mêmes. Du reste, ces derniers ne sont pas dupes et lui en font grief, encore qu’il soit permis de nous demander si on ne lui reproche pas, plus simplement, de ne pas leur donner toute la place qu’ils croient leur revenir et de les laisser suspendus dans le vide carcéral. / Until now, the prison has been analyzed, primarily, from the prisoners and warders points of view as if the reality of confinement and the prison-warder relationship were the only likely opinions that could allow us to learn how the prison operates and thus understand its function. On the contrary, we think that other points of view are not only possible but even desirable. In particular, this is the case for teachers who are working in prisons. Although theoretically being able to offer an interesting complement to the functions of dissuasion and social rehabilitation that the prison fills with difficulty, the prison educational project constitutes a more or less marginalized activity which is brought down to the level of other penitentiary activities. At its highest degree, we are tempted to charge the prison with responsibility for it; and, in fact, a prison does have a certain liability in this matter. Initially conceived to neutralize criminals, it is difficult for the prison to educate them at the same time as pointed out by the sociology of organizations. This marginalization, we will see, is not solely that of the prison but also in the way in which the teachers perceive their work and the mandate which they assign themselves. Prison teachers have defined, for themselves, an ambitious mandate of modeling and remodeling the personalities of their delinquent pupils, a prerequisite, according to them, for a harmonious return to the community. It is an ambitious mandate for which they feel that they do not receive the respect they deserve. This situation is made all the more difficult because, as contractual workers for the majority, they are, in the eyes of the correctional staff, more or less objects of mistrust. This feeling is increased by the fact that the teachers, in order to carry out their work, develop a portrait of the delinquent and offence that is not very compatible with that which prevails in the prison environment. Thus, this marginalization as an organizational fact superimposes a self-marginalization, impossible to circumvent, which is true of the teachers themselves and which results in their attitude of detachment toward the prison. It is all the more paradoxical that the mandate the teachers give themselves, although they take great care to not say it, corresponds completely with that of the correctional project. Even though the prison is more preoccupied with the risk management of its prisoners rather than their social rehabilitation, it does have an interest in education in prison but only insofar as it merges with penitentiary ideology and contributes to a consolidated peace inside the walls made complicit by the teachers themselves. The latter are not easily deceived and object to this point of view and we may ask ourselves whether their criticism of the prison is simply because the prison does not provide them with the required space they believe they should occupy thus leaving them suspended in a vacuum that is the correctional system.

There has been a significant increase in the nation's female incarceration rate. During 2006, the number of women in prison increased by approximately 4.5 %. The increase of female prisoners from 2005 to 2006 was larger than the average growth rate of 2.9% from 2000 through 2005. Women ages 35 to 39 made up the largest percentage of female prisoners. At the end of 2006, females made up 7.2% of the prison population under State or Federal jurisdiction, up from 6.7% in 2000. Oklahoma had the highest female incarceration rate in the nation, approximately 129, 000 inmates; followed by Louisiana, which incarcerated 108, 000 female inmates (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2006). The purpose of this study was to describe how college- educated incarcerated females in a state prison perceived their incarceration experiences. The central research question was: how do college-educated incarcerated females perceive their incarceration experience? Data were collected by conducting interviews with nine women who had a minimum of two years of college-level coursework from a regionally accredited college or university and who did not have a history of drug abuse. Findings suggest that while there are negative aspects of college-educated females' incarceration experiences, the totality of the experience was not negatively perceived.

Jusqu’à maintenant, la prison a surtout été analysée à partir du point de vue des détenus et celui des surveillants comme si le vécu de l’enfermement et la relation détenus-surveillants étaient les seuls points de vue permettant d’en apprendre sur ce qu’elle est et d’en saisir le fonctionnement. Nous pensons, pour notre part, que d’autres points de vue sont possibles, voire même souhaitables. C’est le cas, notamment, de celui des enseignants qui exercent leur métier en prison. Bien que théoriquement en mesure d’offrir un complément intéressant aux fonctions de dissuasion et de réinsertion sociale que la prison remplit difficilement à elle seule, le projet éducatif carcéral constitue une activité plus ou moins marginalisée qui est ramenée au niveau des autres activités pénitentiaires. Au premier chef, c’est à la prison que nous sommes tentés d’en imputer la responsabilité et, de fait, elle y est pour quelque chose. D’abord conçue pour neutraliser des criminels, il lui est difficile de les éduquer en même temps. Mais cette marginalisation, nous le verrons, n’est pas le seul fait de la prison. Elle tient aussi beaucoup au mandat qu’ils se donnent et à la façon dont les enseignants se représentent leur travail. S’étant eux-mêmes défini un mandat ambitieux de modelage et de remodelage de la personnalité de leurs élèves délinquants détenus, prérequis, selon eux, à un retour harmonieux dans la collectivité, les enseignants déplorent qu’on ne leur accorde pas toute la crédibilité qui devrait leur revenir. Cette situation est d’autant plus difficile à vivre, qu’à titre de travailleurs contractuels pour la plupart, ils sont déjà, aux yeux du personnel correctionnel, objets d’une méfiance qui sera d’autant plus grande que, pour effectuer leur travail, ils doivent se faire une représentation du délinquant et du délit peu compatibles avec celles qui prévalent dans le milieu. C’est ainsi qu’à la marginalisation comme fait organisationnel se superpose une auto-marginalisation, incontournable, qui est le fait des enseignants eux-mêmes et qui se traduit par leur attitude de réserve à l’égard de la prison. La chose est d’autant plus paradoxale que le mandat que se donnent les enseignants, bien qu’ils s’en gardent de le dire, correspond tout à fait au projet correctionnel. Mais la prison, davantage préoccupée par la gestion du risque que par la réinsertion sociale des détenus, n’a d’intérêt pour l’éducation en milieu carcéral que dans la mesure où elle permet une socialisation à l’idéologie pénitentiaire et contribue à consolider la paix à l’intérieur des murs avec la complicité des enseignants eux-mêmes. Du reste, ces derniers ne sont pas dupes et lui en font grief, encore qu’il soit permis de nous demander si on ne lui reproche pas, plus simplement, de ne pas leur donner toute la place qu’ils croient leur revenir et de les laisser suspendus dans le vide carcéral. / Until now, the prison has been analyzed, primarily, from the prisoners and warders points of view as if the reality of confinement and the prison-warder relationship were the only likely opinions that could allow us to learn how the prison operates and thus understand its function. On the contrary, we think that other points of view are not only possible but even desirable. In particular, this is the case for teachers who are working in prisons. Although theoretically being able to offer an interesting complement to the functions of dissuasion and social rehabilitation that the prison fills with difficulty, the prison educational project constitutes a more or less marginalized activity which is brought down to the level of other penitentiary activities. At its highest degree, we are tempted to charge the prison with responsibility for it; and, in fact, a prison does have a certain liability in this matter. Initially conceived to neutralize criminals, it is difficult for the prison to educate them at the same time as pointed out by the sociology of organizations. This marginalization, we will see, is not solely that of the prison but also in the way in which the teachers perceive their work and the mandate which they assign themselves. Prison teachers have defined, for themselves, an ambitious mandate of modeling and remodeling the personalities of their delinquent pupils, a prerequisite, according to them, for a harmonious return to the community. It is an ambitious mandate for which they feel that they do not receive the respect they deserve. This situation is made all the more difficult because, as contractual workers for the majority, they are, in the eyes of the correctional staff, more or less objects of mistrust. This feeling is increased by the fact that the teachers, in order to carry out their work, develop a portrait of the delinquent and offence that is not very compatible with that which prevails in the prison environment. Thus, this marginalization as an organizational fact superimposes a self-marginalization, impossible to circumvent, which is true of the teachers themselves and which results in their attitude of detachment toward the prison. It is all the more paradoxical that the mandate the teachers give themselves, although they take great care to not say it, corresponds completely with that of the correctional project. Even though the prison is more preoccupied with the risk management of its prisoners rather than their social rehabilitation, it does have an interest in education in prison but only insofar as it merges with penitentiary ideology and contributes to a consolidated peace inside the walls made complicit by the teachers themselves. The latter are not easily deceived and object to this point of view and we may ask ourselves whether their criticism of the prison is simply because the prison does not provide them with the required space they believe they should occupy thus leaving them suspended in a vacuum that is the correctional system.

This thesis portfolio presents an autoethnographic account of a prison educator engaged in a research project that explores creative approaches to arts, prison education, work and training in custodial settings. The position of the researcher is located in-between and across professional practices including arts in prisons, prison education, work and training environments, which have conflicting agendas that, nevertheless, share the same institutional space. Policymakers and management bodies regulating these professional practices expect education and training to contribute to reducing reoffending. Procedurally, the research process was precariously balanced between, on the one hand, performing to measures of quality based on the requirement to reduce recidivism, and on the other, crude outcome measures driven by a utilitarian marketization of prison education that includes course completion rates calculated on the basis of minimum contact time. This broader context created an uncertain and constantly shifting context for the research, which began with my search for an effective creative practice in a Performing Arts Department (PAD) and ends in a Functional English classroom (FEC). Conceptually, the research draws on the What Works debate (McGuire, 1995; Brayford et al. 2010), which continues to create a disjuncture between policy and implementation resulting from unrealistic assumptions that arts and education programmes in prison might prevent reoffending, with evidence relying solely upon randomisation, reductive causation and numerical calculation. It also draws on desistance theory (Maruna, 2001; McNeil, 2006), which argues that desistance from crime can be understood as an indirect process, rather than an event. From an examination of my efforts to implement and develop creative approaches to education via autoethnographic tools, including fictional performative writing, I argue two main points. Firstly, the autonomy required by the creative prison educator engaged in an advanced research project re-positions the professional in a particular relationship with the bewildering processes of power, protectionism and performance management in the criminal justice system. Secondly, and as demonstrated through fictional performative writing, I argue that research methods engaging voices from the frontline of educational environments, can reveal seemingly small details relating to the challenges and possibilities of creative education in prisons that, nonetheless, have significant implications for developing productive and innovative approaches to desistance from crime. Moreover, from this grounded, yet restricted position, I speculate how such approaches might extend both creativity and creatively beyond the validation of this doctorate qualification.

Dans le contexte français d'ouverture du monde pénitentiaire et de développement des partenariats associatifs, les premiers « accueils des familles » voient le jour au cours des années 1980. Des bénévoles prennent l'initiative d'améliorer les conditions de visite au parloir en proposant un accueil pour les proches des personnes détenues. Depuis 2010, sollicitée par le principe d'« humanisation » des prisons prôné par les Règles Pénitentiaires Européennes, l'administration prend ce service d'accueil à sa charge en le délégant à des sociétés prestataires dans les établissements à « gestion mixte », publique et privée, sans pour autant exclure les associations.À la croisée de l'anthropologie et de la sociologie, à travers une ethnographie de longue durée menée au sein de lieux périphériques du domaine carcéral, la thèse interroge les politiques institutionnelles et les pratiques participatives des associations. Au prisme de leurs différentes matrices - compassionnelle, gestionnaire et sécuritaire - cette recherche analyse les processus de politisation et de fabrication symbolique des divers sujets (collectifs et individuels) impliqués. Elle étudie également les enjeux sociaux relevant de la « carcéralisation » d'espaces publics et de la « publicisation » d'espaces carcéraux. / In the French context of prison's opening up and developing partnerships with associations, first “Families Welcome” began in the 1980's. Volunteers take the initiative to create reception facilities for inmates' relatives when they come to the prison visiting room. Since 2010, in order to respect European Prison Rules, penitentiary administration handed over this service to the joint management of private and public companies, without excluding associations.Between anthropology and sociology, through long-term ethnography within this prison's periphery, this thesis raises questions about institutional practices and participatory dimension of associations. Through several models – compassion, management, and security – this research analyses the politicisation process and symbolic construction of the different subjects implicated (collective and individual). It also studies social issues relevant to the “carceralisation”, of public places and the publicity of prison facilities.

Despite the increasing numbers of criminalized women in Canada, the use of the Institutional Mother-Child Program (MCP) remains low (Brennan, 2014). It is well known in fields of Criminology, Criminal Justice, and Indigenous Studies, that Indigenous Peoples are overrepresented in Canadian prisons; they represent about five percent of the overall Canadian population, however Indigenous women make up forty percent of all incarcerated women (Miller, 2017). Incarcerated Indigenous women are often mothers of young children, come from poor backgrounds, have little education, and suffered abuse at some point during their lives (Monchalin, 2016). In this thesis, using Indigenous Feminisms (IF) (Suzack, 2010, 2015) and Penal Moderation (Loader, 2010; Snacken, 2015), I address the following research questions: How has the MCP policy evolved over time? How have the policy changes represented a (de)colonial approach to criminal justice policy? To answer these questions, I conducted a feminist critical discourse analysis (FCDA) of all the final versions of the Correctional Service of Canada’s MCP policy (CD 768).

Gevangenisbendes in Suid-Afrika het 'n lang geskiedenis. die eerste was gestig onder Swart gevangenes in die Transvaal onmiddellik na die Anglo-Boere oorlog. Die Ninevite bende was ingestel deur Nongoloza Mathebula en het in die Witwatersrand geopereer. "Nongoloza" se bende het bestaan uit agt lede waarvan die 28 bende later ontwikkel het. Die 28 bende is ten gunste van wyfies-verhouding (homoseksuele) onder sy bende lede. "Ngelejani" se bende, waaruit die 26 bende ontwikkel het, was nie ten gunste van die wyfies-verhouding nie. Die ander bende wat in die gevangenis ontstaan het, is die Big 5 bende en die Airforce bende. / Prison gangs in South Africa have a long history. the first were established among Black prisoners in the Transvaal soon after the Anglo-Boer war. The Ninevite gang was introduced by Nongoloza Mathebula and operated in the Witwatersrand. "Nongoloza's" gang consisted of eight members, from which the 28 gang later developed. The 28 gang approved the boy-wives relationship (homo-sexual) among its gang members. "Ngelejani's" gang from which the 26 gang developed, disapproved the boy-wives relationship. Other gangs established in prison, are the Big 5 gang and the Airforce gang. / Sociology / M.A. (Penology)

This thesis is about women in the international cocaine trade and in particular about their experiences as drug mules. This is the first comprehensive qualitative investigation based on the accounts of women and men who worked as drug mules and those who organise and manage trafficking cocaine by mule across international borders. Two explanations for women’s involvement in drug trafficking compete. The ‘feminisation of poverty’ thesis contends that women’s participation in the drug trade results from (and is a response to) their economic and social subordination. The ‘emancipation thesis’ contends that women’s participation in the drugs trade is an effect of women’s liberation. This thesis explores if and how women’s involvement in the drug trafficking (recruitment and ‘work’) is shaped by their gender. I interviewed 37 men and women drug traffickers imprisoned in Quito, Ecuador. This location was chosen due to the high numbers of women and men imprisoned for drug trafficking crimes. Respondents came from all levels of the drug trade and from different parts of the world. Data was collected and analysed using narrative analysis to understand the way in which discourses of victimhood were created in prison. This allowed for a sensitive interpretation of the meaning of victimhood and agency in respondents’ responses. The substantive section of the thesis examines two aspects of women’s involvement in drug trafficking in depth. The first section examines aspects of women’s recruitment into the drug trade as mules; the second section examines the work that mules do. This research finds that women’s participation in the international cocaine trade cannot be adequately understood through the lens of either victimisation or volition. The contexts in which men and women chose to work as a mule were diverse reflecting their varied backgrounds (nationality, age, experience, employment status, as well as gender). Furthermore, mules’ motivations reflected not only volition but also coercion and sometimes threat of violence. Although gender was a part of the context in which respondents became involved in mulework, it was not the only, or the most important aspect. Secondly, this research examined the nature of mule-work. Most mules (men and women) willingly entered a verbal contract to work as a drugs mule; nonetheless the context of ‘mule-work’ is inherently restrictive. Mules were subject to surveillance and management by their ‘contacts’ had few opportunities to have control or choice over their work. Collaboration, resistance and threat were often played out according to gendered roles and relationships but gender was not a determining factor. Nonetheless, respondents could and did find ways to negotiate resist and take action in diverse and creative ways. Prior research on the cocaine trade has ignored the importance of women’s participation or has considered it only in limited ways driven by gender stereotypes. Thus, this research addresses a significant gap in available evidence on women in the drug trade. This research also contributes to contemporary debates in theories of women’s offending which have centred on the role of victimisation and agency in relation to women’s offending.

Traditional understandings of violence by the mentally disordered largely look to mental illness to explain such behaviour. More recently, research has begun to examine the role of alternative factors in driving violent offending in this context. Masculinity is one such factor to which little consideration has thus far been given, in spite of a wealth of literature which associates the construction and maintenance of a masculine identity with violence in the non-mentally disordered context. This thesis proceeds from these current understandings, and examines the nature of the relationship between mental illness, masculinity and violent behaviour. In order to examine this issue, interviews were conducted with a group of 10 male patients diagnosed with major mental illness and with violent offending histories, in a medium secure forensic psychiatric hospital in Scotland. A group of 10 male prisoners serving life sentences in a Scottish adult male prison following convictions for homicide offences were also interviewed, and acted as a comparator group. Following an analysis of these interviews, findings emerged in relation to three key areas of patients’ and prisoners’ accounts: past experiences of violent offending, present experiences of institutional settings, and future hopes for recovery and desistance. In particular, significant similarities and divergences in the experiences of the two groups were apparent, and this thesis advances two key arguments in light of this. Considering first the similarities in patients’ and prisoners’ experiences, it is posited here that for both the mentally ill and non-mentally ill male population the task of constructing and maintaining a masculine identity is a particularly pervasive force in their life histories. It will be demonstrated that for patients and prisoners in this study, masculinity plays a significant role in past violent offending, as well as having important implications for adaptation to present institutional settings, and the creation of a recovered and desisting identity for the future. Second, in looking to the divergences in patients’ and prisoners’ accounts, it is asserted that where major mental illness is present it serves to intercede in these three areas of men’s lives. Extracts from interviews with male patients will illustrate the interceding role of mental illness in violent scenarios from their pasts. In addition, it will be demonstrated that patients’ and prisoners’ respective present situations in institutional settings vary, as diagnosis of mental illness leads patients to be placed in a secure hospital rather than the prison, and the differing nature of these environments results in divergences in adaptation to these settings. Finally, in relation to the future, while prisoners focussed on their hopes for desistance from offending, the diagnosis of mental illness led patients to place recovery from such disorders as the primary process at this point.