This study examines the efforts of Radicals (Republicans) to establish a state-wide public school system in Texas between 1870 and 1873. Primary sources cover the chronological fringes of the period being examined. This study follows a chronological narrative with the four chapters examining first, educational trends in the southern states and Texas prior to Reconstruction, followed by examination of the Radical system in Texas, and, finally, its destruction by Conservative Texans. The final chapter focuses on immediate and long range results of Radical education. In examining the Radical educational program, an attempt has been made to dispel ideas popularly held by present-day Texans who believe that the Radical school program was simply another "carpetbagger" scheme for raiding the state treasury and building Radical patronage. This paper contends that the Radicals established as good a public school system as could be created at the time, and that it was administered in an honest and efficient manner. The system was destroyed by politicians and a grass roots revolt of taxpayers who had no faith in its methods, goals, or administrators.

The purpose of this research is to investigate what factors influenced the rationalisation and redeployment of public secondary school in the Northern Province. The process carried with it a many implementation problems. Stakeholders interpreted the procedures differently Although there were collective agreements concluded in the ELRC there were problems in the implementation as the stakeholders had different objectives. Though the department of education indicated that they wanted to achieve equitable redistribution of resources, including educators, the reality is that they wanted to save money. The unions agreed to redeployment as a means to correct the imbalances of the past and to secure educators jobs. The main factors which influenced the process of redeployment are the need to redistribute educators equitably and the department’s desire to save money. / Dissertation (MEd (Education Management and Policy Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2004. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

A literal reading of the United States Constitution finds no mention of education.  Because no fundamental federal mandate exists to provide public education for citizens, the Tenth Amendment gives states the authority for public education policy.  Because states have different constitutional standards for education, civics requirements have little national consistency.  This thesis explores the connections between state constitutional provisions for public education and graduation requirements for civics in each state. The research examined how state constitutions address education policy and whether states with language specifically connecting education to the maintenance of democracy required more stringent civics requirements for students to graduate from secondary school.  Further investigation explored whether and how state constitutions in Minnesota and Wisconsin appeared to influence the development of graduation requirements.  Indeed, Minnesota, whose constitution connects education to the maintenance of democracy, had a curriculum policy process far more rooted in its constitutional traditions than did Wisconsin, which had no such constitutional language or curriculum process. / Master of Arts

Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree MASTER OF EDUCATION in the Department of Educational Planning and Administration of the Faculty of Education at the University of Zululand, 2006. / This study examines the leadership role of School Management Teams (SMTs) in marketing schools in the Lower Tugela Circuit in KwaZulu-Natal. School managers currently face the major challenge of finding innovative ways of attracting learners to their institutions. With at least part of their budget derived from school fees and private donors, they need to ensure solid learner enrolment numbers and good pass rates. To address this issue, SMTs are expected to employ business and marketing principles in their management plans. SMTs are faced with the task of changing educators' mindsets and perceptions with regard to marketing. They are required to inculcate a competitive spirit among educators and create partnerships with industries to attract sponsorships. Furthermore, SMTs need to ensure that the needs of their learners are satisfied. An empirical investigation was undertaken to assess and evaluate the role of SMTs in marketing their schools. Data was solicited from a sample of SMTs by means of questionnaires. Both open and closed-ended questions were used. The following are key findings of the study: • Some schools lack teacher development programmes to capacitate educators to market their schools effectively. • School Governing Bodies (SGBs) are not sufficiently involved in school marketing decisions. • Some schools have not established partnership with business and industry. On the basis of these findings, the following recommendations were made: • SMTs must be tasked with developing programmes to capacitate educators to market their schools effectively. • SGBs should be involved in a greater capacity in school marketing decisions. • SMTs should bridge the gap between schools as education service providers and business/industry as the ultimate consumer of these services, by marrying the business/industry knowledge and skills requirements with relevant school curriculum design.

Children have not historically been the subject of research focusing on internalizing disorders (i.e., childhood depression), even though childhood depression continues to be viewed as one of the most prevalent affective problem within this population. Over the past two decades, a small portion of that literature describes prevention efforts in public schools. There has been a growing body of literature centered on childhood depression. However, there are only three studies that report on longitudinal findings that have taken a primary prevention approach. The present study was a follow-up investigation to delineate the effects of a school-based primary prevention program. The original study utilized a social/ interpersonal and cognitive-behavioral model incorporated into the health education curriculum of the school. The results of the study suggest that the students continued to report normal to low levels of depressive symptoms at one-year follow-up . The results also suggest that students maintained the social skills gained during the intervention at the one-year followup. In addition, reports of depressive symptomatology slightly declined from posttest to one-year follow-up.

The purpose of this study is to examine indoctrination in Oregon public schools during the period from 1947 to 1975. More specifically, it seeks to define and analyze the assumed changeable and dynamic aspect of indoctrination. The major hypothesis to be tested is that indoctrination has declined in strength during the test period.

This study examines San Joaquin County parents' and guardians' media use, interpersonal discussion and attitudes toward funding public schools. Specifically, it investigated the effect of media use on the salience of funding for public schools and how it may be mediated by interpersonal discussion about local public schools. Data was collected from 513 parents and guardians of kindergarten- through sixth-grade children, who responded to a purposive survey distributed within their large urban district, Tracy Unified School District, a small rural district, Jefferson Elementary School District, and a charter school run by San Joaquin County Office of Education. The survey was used to test a hypothesis and research question. The research found that there is a correlation with media use and parental attitudes toward public school funding. More significantly, however, is that the results indicated that interpersonal discussion is a much stronger predictor of parent's attitudes toward public school funding than media use. This study implies that interpersonal discussions with teachers and school administrators can further problem solving and/or decision-making with parents.

It was the quest for answers to such questions which prompted this study. It is an effort to discover what young people in an out of school think about their training for family living. It is an effort to compare their opinions with those of adults and to evaluate them in terms of feasibility, goals, and sound learning experiences. It was expected that the material provided by this study would give direction to the development of a program of family life education in a community.

This dissertation explores the racial politics of the U.S. through an examination of political contention over the inclusion of ethnic studies in K-12 public schools. Black, Indigenous, Chicanx/Latinx, and Asian/Pacific Islander Americans have indelibly shaped the political, economic, and social contours of the U.S. from its founding to present. However, the fullness of their experiences in and contributions to the nation remain woefully inadequate in K-12 U.S. history/social studies curricula (Brown & Brown, 2010; Journell, 2009; Ladson-Billings, 2003; Loewen, 1996; Reddick, 1934; Woodson, 1933; Woodson & Wesley, 1922). To address this curricular gap, a wave of 21st century activism is demanding that K-12 schools teach ethnic studies, curricula that centers and examines the history of race, racism, and the contributions of people of color in the U.S. Contemporary state policies requiring the inclusion of ethnic studies in K-12 schools are far more progressive (and contentious) than aligned education reforms of previous decades, which were overwhelmingly school district policies focused on offering an optional ethnic studies elective. Drawing on archival, media, and interview data from three states (Arizona, California and Oregon) which recently decided on including ethnic studies in K-12 schools, I explore how race shaped the state policy processes and outcomes. While Arizona banned ethnic studies, Oregon adopted an ethnic studies requirement, and California’s ethnic studies requirement was vetoed by its governor. I argue that advocacy for the inclusion of ethnic studies which employs critical race conscious frames, mitigates intra-partisan conflict, and engages intersectional mobilization is most strongly positioned to advance such systemic, state-level reform. By examining the racial political dynamics of systemic policy change, this dissertation intervenes in political sociology and race scholarship in education. The findings can, moreover, help advocates of the full inclusion of ethnic studies in K-12 schools navigate the path toward systemic reform.

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