Este projeto insere-se no campo da sociologia do trabalho, procurando contribuir com a discussão acerca do presente e do futuro do sindicalismo, conectado aos estudos de revitalização sindical. O sindicalismo no setor público, particularmente após o final da década de 1980, desenvolve-se através da assunção de caráter sindical das associações de servidores públicos, da influência do novo sindicalismo sobre as classes médias e do ambiente político das lutas pela democratização do Brasil pós-ditadura. Assim formou-se Sindicato dos Municipários de Porto Alegre (SIMPA), objeto empírico do presente trabalho, o primeiro sindicato de municipários legalizado no Brasil. As temáticas em torno das reformas e da persistência da estrutura sindical, em um contexto de terceirizações na administração pública, assim como a consideração por boa parte da literatura de que o movimento sindical passa por uma crise instiga à investigação das ações sindicais confrontadas à discussão da suposta crise ou declínio. Através de um estudo de caso estendido, analisamos a emergência de novas práticas sindicais, buscando, no resgate das experiências do SIMPA, conexões com o que alguns autores têm chamado de ―sindicalismo de movimento social‖, no que tange à relação do sindicalismo clássico com os novos protestos e movimentos que tem surgido em nossos tempos. / This project, developed in the field of Sociology of Work, aims to cooperate with the discussion about the current and future unionism, connected to the Labour Revitalization Studies. Syndicalism in public sector, especially in the end of 1980‘s, was developed with the assumption of the union character of the civil servants trade unions, also with the influence of the new unionism over middle classes and the policy environment of the struggles for democratization in Brazil after dictatorship. That‘s how it was formed SIMPA, a union trade of civil servants of Porto Alegre City, Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil. SIMPA was the first union trade of municipal workers legalized in the country, and it is the empirical object of this research. Themes such as reforms and the persistence of the union structure, in a context of outsourcing in public administration, as well as the assumption for a large part of literature that union movement was passing through a crisis, are some elements that instigate the investigation of union actions face to the discussion of a supposed crisis or decline. With an Extended Case Method, we analyze the emergence of new unionism practices. Rescuing the experiences of SIMPA, we search for connections to with some authors have called ―Social Movement Unionism‖, about the relations between classical unionism and new demonstrations and movements that have been arising in our times.

Este projeto insere-se no campo da sociologia do trabalho, procurando contribuir com a discussão acerca do presente e do futuro do sindicalismo, conectado aos estudos de revitalização sindical. O sindicalismo no setor público, particularmente após o final da década de 1980, desenvolve-se através da assunção de caráter sindical das associações de servidores públicos, da influência do novo sindicalismo sobre as classes médias e do ambiente político das lutas pela democratização do Brasil pós-ditadura. Assim formou-se Sindicato dos Municipários de Porto Alegre (SIMPA), objeto empírico do presente trabalho, o primeiro sindicato de municipários legalizado no Brasil. As temáticas em torno das reformas e da persistência da estrutura sindical, em um contexto de terceirizações na administração pública, assim como a consideração por boa parte da literatura de que o movimento sindical passa por uma crise instiga à investigação das ações sindicais confrontadas à discussão da suposta crise ou declínio. Através de um estudo de caso estendido, analisamos a emergência de novas práticas sindicais, buscando, no resgate das experiências do SIMPA, conexões com o que alguns autores têm chamado de ―sindicalismo de movimento social‖, no que tange à relação do sindicalismo clássico com os novos protestos e movimentos que tem surgido em nossos tempos. / This project, developed in the field of Sociology of Work, aims to cooperate with the discussion about the current and future unionism, connected to the Labour Revitalization Studies. Syndicalism in public sector, especially in the end of 1980‘s, was developed with the assumption of the union character of the civil servants trade unions, also with the influence of the new unionism over middle classes and the policy environment of the struggles for democratization in Brazil after dictatorship. That‘s how it was formed SIMPA, a union trade of civil servants of Porto Alegre City, Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil. SIMPA was the first union trade of municipal workers legalized in the country, and it is the empirical object of this research. Themes such as reforms and the persistence of the union structure, in a context of outsourcing in public administration, as well as the assumption for a large part of literature that union movement was passing through a crisis, are some elements that instigate the investigation of union actions face to the discussion of a supposed crisis or decline. With an Extended Case Method, we analyze the emergence of new unionism practices. Rescuing the experiences of SIMPA, we search for connections to with some authors have called ―Social Movement Unionism‖, about the relations between classical unionism and new demonstrations and movements that have been arising in our times.

Este projeto insere-se no campo da sociologia do trabalho, procurando contribuir com a discussão acerca do presente e do futuro do sindicalismo, conectado aos estudos de revitalização sindical. O sindicalismo no setor público, particularmente após o final da década de 1980, desenvolve-se através da assunção de caráter sindical das associações de servidores públicos, da influência do novo sindicalismo sobre as classes médias e do ambiente político das lutas pela democratização do Brasil pós-ditadura. Assim formou-se Sindicato dos Municipários de Porto Alegre (SIMPA), objeto empírico do presente trabalho, o primeiro sindicato de municipários legalizado no Brasil. As temáticas em torno das reformas e da persistência da estrutura sindical, em um contexto de terceirizações na administração pública, assim como a consideração por boa parte da literatura de que o movimento sindical passa por uma crise instiga à investigação das ações sindicais confrontadas à discussão da suposta crise ou declínio. Através de um estudo de caso estendido, analisamos a emergência de novas práticas sindicais, buscando, no resgate das experiências do SIMPA, conexões com o que alguns autores têm chamado de ―sindicalismo de movimento social‖, no que tange à relação do sindicalismo clássico com os novos protestos e movimentos que tem surgido em nossos tempos. / This project, developed in the field of Sociology of Work, aims to cooperate with the discussion about the current and future unionism, connected to the Labour Revitalization Studies. Syndicalism in public sector, especially in the end of 1980‘s, was developed with the assumption of the union character of the civil servants trade unions, also with the influence of the new unionism over middle classes and the policy environment of the struggles for democratization in Brazil after dictatorship. That‘s how it was formed SIMPA, a union trade of civil servants of Porto Alegre City, Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil. SIMPA was the first union trade of municipal workers legalized in the country, and it is the empirical object of this research. Themes such as reforms and the persistence of the union structure, in a context of outsourcing in public administration, as well as the assumption for a large part of literature that union movement was passing through a crisis, are some elements that instigate the investigation of union actions face to the discussion of a supposed crisis or decline. With an Extended Case Method, we analyze the emergence of new unionism practices. Rescuing the experiences of SIMPA, we search for connections to with some authors have called ―Social Movement Unionism‖, about the relations between classical unionism and new demonstrations and movements that have been arising in our times.

American Evangelicalism is, indeed, “embattled and thriving,” as Smith et. al. (1998) have suggested, thriving precisely because it has remained in an embattled state as it cyclically seeks to establish itself as a counter to the dominant culture. However, over the last 40 years American Evangelicalism has become ingrained in the dominant culture and a new group of young Evangelicals are establishing themselves as the counter to that culture and thus defining themselves against Evangelicalism itself. Employing Smith’s (1998) “sub-cultural identity” theory of religious strength while drawing on interviews with movement leaders, members and published writings, the following research provides an overview of four social movements within Evangelicalism – Evangelical Environmentalism, social justice Christianity, the Emerging Church and New Monasticism – suggesting that these groups represent a social movement area seeking to draw a distinction in identity with American Evangelicalism. Then, drawing on over two hundred hours of in-depth interviews with 40 New Monastic leaders and community members, combined with analysis of the writings of New Monastic movement leaders, the research focuses in specifically on the identity-making activities of New Monasticism, examining the ways in which this movement seeks to influence beliefs, practices and conceptions of place within American Evangelicalism.

This thesis presents a rhetorical analysis of the Guerra del Gas movement in Bolivia from 2003 to 2005. It views the social movement and its major uprisings as emerging from a subaltern counterpublic that grounded its resistance in uniquely indigenous rhetoric. Chapter one provides a theoretical framework for understanding indigenous rhetoric as embodying a discourse of subaltern sensibilities and situating subaltern counterpublic theory within the historic-cultural situation of Bolivia to understand contemporary struggles over natural resources and against neoliberal politics within the country. The indigenous rhetoric of the Guerra del Gas movement provided a direct refutation of natural gas privatization and neoliberal hegemony. The second chapter is a case study that explores the indigenous rhetoric of the October 2003 and May-June 2005 uprisings that characterized the subaltern counterpublic sphere of the Guerra del Gas movement. In chapter three the theoretical frame of subaltern rhetoric is established to analyze Evo Morales’ inaugural address as an embodiment of a discourse of subaltern sensibilities. The conclusion chapter offers some directions for further research and considers how understanding indigenous rhetoric has implications for social struggle and organized resistance in a world of increasing globalization and neoliberal hegemonic policymaking. / text

Paraguay has a long history of foreign involvement in its rural economy, dating back to even before the War of the Triple Alliance in the 1880’s. Whether it was yerba mate production or timber extraction, Paraguay’s rural activities were largely funded and run by foreign interests, with little room for participation by smallholders. With the growth in production of Genetically Modified (GM) soy, Paraguay continues to follow the same model for development, one of export-oriented agriculture produced primarily with foreign capital. The expansion GM soy in San Pedro, Paraguay is meeting with considerable resistance, though, as smallholders and landless workers claim that the use of the broad spectrum herbicide, glyphosate, threatens their health, land and livelihoods. The contentious debate that has sprung up around this issue has polarized Paraguayan society and oversimplified the problems facing Paraguay’s rural development society. The over-politicization of the conflict has eliminated the space for nuance in finding solutions and room for dialogue. / text

This research explores the themes of participation and professionalization as they intersect with power in domestic violence advocacy by using a case study from one region in Kentucky. Throughout this dissertation, I investigate the ways political and economic pressures influence local domestic violence advocates and the ways these macro-level pressures influence 1) an advocate's level of participation in the organization and 2) a transition in social service provision to a professional model of advocacy. The research illustrates that the nature of domestic violence service provision is changing in the United States as a result of the increasingly privatized nature of social service provision and subsequent shifts in domestic violence advocacy participation practices and professionalization trends.Specifically, I explore the relationships between power and levels of participation in domestic violence advocacy by examining the relationship between power, the expectation for increased professionalization within social service agencies, and the local level negotiations of these expectations. Furthermore, I provide an ethnographic description of the daily activities of a domestic violence organization to illustrate why, how, and what aspects of the program are transformed in a new model of professionalized social service provision. Additionally, this research includes the voices of oral history participants in the domestic violence social movement in Kentucky. As services in Kentucky undergo a transformation aimed at further professionalizing domestic violence advocacy, the historic local knowledge of domestic violence advocacy and activism is useful for clarifying the foundations of contemporary advocacy service provision and activism by providing a longitudinal perspective.The changing field of domestic violence advocacy is marked by the move towards unequal power relationships between the advocates and the women, the lack of victims' and advocates' participation in the creation and implementation of programming and services, and the professionalization of domestic violence organizations and workers. This local case study contextualizes the trends that are currently acting upon social service organizations in general, thereby illustrating thecomplexity of human service provision by examining the multiple messages that domestic violence advocates, and thus human service care workers in general, negotiate.

This dissertation examines the growth of environmentally sustainable commercial building practices as a voluntary, market-based standard called Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED), created by the US Green Building Council. I address how environmental ideals became institutionalized and integrated into the design and construction of commercial buildings through the growth of this standard. My goal is to discuss the site at which an ideal becomes a part of organizational practice and to discuss mechanisms by which social movement ideals become institutionalized without the state as a coercive force.First, I look at the historical context in which the environmental movement and the green building movement emerged to see understand adoption of voluntary market-based standards. The USGBC was able to bring together three disparate forms: environmental ideals, the creation of a voluntary standard and a market-based profit focus. I examine how the decentralized environmental movement, the rise of "third wave" environmentalism and corporate strategic environmentalism and a lack of political opportunity made this new form a useful strategy for the movement. Then I examine the importance of the LEED AP accreditation program as a mechanism for integrating green practices into professional work by socializing them through three frames, the LEED system, integrated design and high efficiency buildings. I introduce a new model called hybrid professionalization to explain the integration of social movement ideals across an industry and with a variety of professional groups. Finally, I turn to the demand side of the field to examine the role of organizational consumers and their strategies to rationalize green building to stakeholders. I discuss various ways that green buildings allowed organizations to display and enact their greenness.

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between black millennial political activism and social media use. In Phase One of the study, the attitudes of 126 black 18-29 year olds were measured via survey. Results from the survey show that there is a significant relationship between social media use and political activism. In Phase Two, ten high-scoring participants from Phase One were interviewed and analyzed using thematic coding. Examination of the influence of social media on black millennials can inform strategy used for the advancement of black communities and black activism through widespread, effective communication and an advocacy platform accessible by all.

A massive open-cast coal mine was proposed for Phulbari in 1994, with the support of the government and international financial organisations. Threatened by displacement, the apparently powerless community mobilised against the mine. Allied with the national and the transnational activist organisations, they successfully stopped the mine. This remarkable success is the subject of the thesis. This resistance is compared quantitatively with the incidence of protests in 397 other mines in the South Asia. Predictors of protest include density of population, proportion of area under forest cover, and ownership by a multinational company. These factors alone would predict a high probability of protest in Phulbari. To understand how the resistance unfolded and why it was successful, the thesis relies on ethnographic evidence. I conducted participant observation and interviewed sixty-four individuals in Phulbari and Dhaka in Bangladesh and in London. Mobilisation against the mine can be explained in part by dialogic framing. Local challengers continuously opposed the dominant discourse of development. Crucially, they shifted their identity to legitimize their opposition to the mine by tagging it with nationalism. As a result, local resistance established links with national left-wing activists. Mobilisation culminated in a mass march of 70,000 in 2006, which was fired on by government forces, with several casualties. Repression failed to quail the resistance. Continued mobilisation was motivated by emotional responses like anger, and facilitated by cultural practices like the obligatory funeral procession. Media reports of the repression catapulted the resistance on to the global stage. This alone is not sufficient to explain the formation of a transnational alliance against the mine. This was maintained by the presence of a large community of Bangladeshi living in Britain, and the mediating role of the left-wing activists in Bangladesh; both groups could translate between locals and western NGOs. This transnational coalition impeded the mining company by targeting international financial organisations, Western governments, the government of Bangladesh, and investors in London. As a result, the company’s share price has collapsed and there seems little prospect of the project proceeding.