This thesis examines the impact of politically motivated terrorism on the police service in Great Britain and Northern Ireland since 1969. During the period reviewed, changes to the police philosophy in the United Kingdom have been dramatic. An increasingly militarized role for the police reflects increased levels of violence in society. Manpower shortages resulted in the replacement of pro-active policing in the mid-1960's, with a re-active variety based on enhanced mobility. Terrorism is a manifestation of the determination of minority groups in society to draw attention to their cause. Their acts constitute the most serious crimes known to British law. Terrorism demands, it does not ask. It is this priority that terrorism creates on police resources, which produces clear evidence of its direct influence on police evolution during the past two decades. The existence of an Anti-Terrorist Squad, the creation of facilities at New Scotland Yard to collate terrorist related intelligence gathered nationally and internationally, are evidence of the specialization which now exists to counter this threat. In order to manage the changed philosophy behind the specialization, technological improvement and large increases in resources (including manpower), there is a trend towards a new type of top level police manager capable of integrating the enhanced services. This thesis examines and analyzes a number of incidents involving terrorists. It draws conclusions about the police response to those incidents and their influence on the day to day function of the police and takes account of the impact of governmental and international constraints and pressures. The Northern Ireland case study examines the circumstances which inspired the total reconstruction of the Royal Ulster Constabulary. The influence of the continued activities of parliamentary terrorist groups in the province, on the reconstruction process, is regarded as central to this study.

<i>Nihon Sekigun</i> (the Japanese Red Army) is an extreme left terrorist group which originated from the university disputes in the late 1960's. There is no single systematic study on this subject with the result that specialists on terrorism often make inaccurate remarks concerning <i>Nihon Sekigun</i>. This thesis is the first attempt to analyze the activities of the group. For this reason, a considerable portion of the work is allocated to fact-finding, which concludes with the following points. (1) <i>Nihon Sekigun</i> is an anomaly or mutation of Japanese society, and not a product of Japanese cultural or social backgrounds, as some scholars have indicated. (2) The reason for the group's decline is its lack of popular support or sympathy, and therefore, its operational bases were predominantly outside the country. (3) Contrary to some experts' remarks, evidence indicates that the group did not enjoy positive state-sponsorship from any country. (4) The group's cooperative relationship with other extremists outside Japan has been found to be extremely superficial. (5) The Japanese Government constantly conceded to the group's demands at each hostage-taking incident but these concessions were in line with the desired actions that other states wanted Japan to follow. (6) The threat posed by the group to Japanese and international society was within tolerable limits. (7) It is unlikely that the group will undertake any major terrorist operations in the foreseeable future.

A proliferation of media discourse on the ‘phenomenon’ of violent women in 1960s and 1970s West Germany suggests that the violent woman is a troubling figure who provokes both fascination and fear. Julia Kristeva’s notion of the abject provides a language for understanding and accounting for the complex mixture of emotions the figure elicits. For Kristeva, abjection is a violent revolt against something which threatens the subject, which may be both “other” or foreign, and familiar; we abject that which cannot be tolerated, cannot be thought or known, which provokes both desire and repulsion. Troubling about the violent woman, and what renders her culturally unintelligible or unimaginable, is that she takes life rather than giving it. In this study, I trace the various attempts made by the print media to assimilate the violent woman, to make her thinkable and knowable and, as a result, to defuse her threat. More frequently, she is made other, abjected either in the Kristevan sense or in the (related) more literal sense: ‘cast off,’ ‘excluded,’ ‘rejected’ or ‘degraded.’ West Germany of the 1960s and 1970s provides a good time-frame for the study: West German terrorism, which involved a large number of women, was at its peak in the 1970s, and a number of high-profile trials against non-politically violent women also took place during the period. In chapter one of the thesis, I look at how the violent woman is rendered the negative and ‘unnatural’ (m)other of the proper German woman and nation, the better to bolster hegemonic understandings of both woman and nation; in chapter two, how she is made hysterical and feminised so as to defuse the threat that she poses; in chapter three, how her crime is redefined as a crime against her gender and sexuality (one idea here is that it is the ‘man inside’ who is to blame). Finally, in chapter four, I explore how the violent woman is abjected through association with filth and defilement. Arguably it is because the strategies which attempt to assimilate, to know and to name her fail or are only partially successful, that the violent woman must be abjected from the body politic through association with dirt.

This thesis looks at the Indonesian government’s strategy for managing the threat of terrorism between 2001 and 2006. Various socio-political factors such as the importance of Islam in Indonesian society and politics, ongoing democratization and important civil-military reform all contribute to an environment where counterterrorism efforts are both necessary and politically risky. In order to better address the many complexities of the Indonesian case study, this thesis uses a modified securitization theory framework which gives increased weight to the political and social context in which securitization decisions are made. The modified framework disaggregates the decision of an agent to rhetorically securitize an issue from the decisions behind subsequent policy actions, and considers separately the motivations behind each. When applied to the Indonesian case study this modified framework reveals that between 2002 and 2006, President Megawati Soekarnoputri and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono managed terrorism by employing a combination of securitizing and criminalizing strategies. It additionally reveals that for each president the non-discursive policy action was not solely result of the success or failure of discursive securitization, but was also dependent on the specific political environment each faced.

No description available.

The problem of understanding how terrorists are psychologically enabled to undertake violence against other human beings is one that has not been adequately examined in past research on terrorism. Indeed, while much has been researched on discovering motivations for such acts, an examination and analysis of the loss of inhibitions as a significant factor in the overall process of becoming a terrorist has been somewhat overlooked. This thesis is an attempt to remedy this shortcoming in the literature, and therefore represents an inquiry into how the process of disinhibition relates to the overall process of terrorism. By examining a number of different factors theoretically and applying them to two contemporary cases of terrorism, this thesis aims to show that there are numerous disinhibitors in relation to acts of terrorism, and that, in some situations, these disinhibitors can relatively easily come into play.

Since events of September 11 and the subsequent conflicts surrounding the event, the war against terrorism has been constantly present. It has been used several methods and strategies to address these threats, including a method current in use, the targeting method. The method refers to use few but precise attacks to knock out key functions within these organizations, mostly individuals in the higher command and control structures within these organizations. The effectiveness of the method has been put in question when the majority of the terrorist organizations continue their strife, in some cases even increasing its intensity. The purpose of this study is to investigate which role the higher command plays in these organizations ability to wage war. This study utilize the organization ISIS as a representative for other similar Islamist terrorist organizations. The study use theories regarding network based groups and decentralized organizations in order to explain the structure of ISIS. The study shows that ISIS is an organization which has largely evolved into something other than what is described as an typical terrorist organization, the organization is more like one among other nations with a large and well structured organization, where management conditions are clear and well developed. ISIS can be a inconsistency in terrorist organizations, but may also have developed like the theoretician Galula named as the fourth step in the orthodox model of an terrorist or irregular force inevitable development  in the struggle for control.

The following is an assignment about the use of the word terrorism throughout history. This assignment contains a conceptual historical analysis of the term terrorism. The aim of this assignment is the following: To discern, through a conceptual historical analysis, how the term terrorism has been used and how the meanings of the term terrorism has changed in time. To provide an answer to this thesis is the assignment tries to answer the following questions: 1) How can conceptual historical analysis be applied to the term terrorism? 2) How can the term terrorism be defined? 3) How has the term terrorism been used throughout history, with specific focus on the academic world and even some contemporary texts? 4) Is it possible to point out some clear changes in the use of the term from the moment of its first use until current time? 5) Which meanings has the term terrorism received and how are these meanings associated with the term terrorism? The assignment initially highlights different theories on conceptual historical research as well as links these theories to the actual term terrorism. After this some difficulties with defining terrorism as a term are pointed out and the impact this has on research within the field of terrorism. Following this is the actual analytical part which is split into three parts; the use of terrorism throughout history, implied terrorism before the term was coined and in fiction, and lastly some examples of the use of terrorism taken from older texts.

This thesis examines the relationship between the phenomenon of racial profiling in the post-9/11 context and section 15 of the Canadian Charter. More specifically, this thesis exposes and unravels the paradox whereby Canada's equality guarantee lacks potential to control or protect against racial profiling in the ‘war on terror’, despite the fact that especially acute and complex equality concerns are triggered by the practice. Chapter one explores the way in which the debate surrounding racial profiling has shifted and taken on distinctive features post-9/11. These changes to the debate give rise to heightened equality concerns and are complicated by the racialization of religion. Chapter two asks why Canada’s equality provision has been largely invisible in the criminal justice context through examining the conceptual relationship between the nature of the criminal justice system and the logics of section 15. Finally, chapter three addresses, in turn, the shape of racial profiling jurisprudence and the treatment of race and religion under section 15. I conclude with some comments about whether it is always correct to discuss racial profiling in the language of equality. / Graduate

This research examines the effects on Great Britain of international terrorist attacks on aviation. The methodology is utilitarian. It is also eclectic, drawing upon scholarly and operational sources. The first objective was factual: to establish the origins of international attacks on aviation, their effects on Great Britain, and the British responses. It found that the attacks were a "blocked tactic!' product of the Palestine conflict. They had neither political nor economic effect on Great Britain. HMG was steadfast in its neutrality. The second objective was analytical: to assess the value of the attacks to their exponents, and the effectiveness of the British response. The evidence is that the attacks, despite tactical successes, were strategically counterproductive to the Palestinians; they assisted Israel's endeavours to label all Palestinian resistance to Israel as terrorism. By targeting the West and forming' alliances with its enemies, the Palestinians deprived themselves of Western diplomatic and economic resources crucial to their cause. Since renouncing terrorism (1988), they have made more progress than in the preceding 40 year's. The international response is not to be measured in the number, but in the implementation of enactments. It has been inadequate. The British response was re-energised by the atrocity of Lockerbie. The conduct of HMG, both MPs and civil servants, has been laudable. Britain's aviation security programme is effective, but the relationship between government and industry is now confrontational. The third objective was to derive proposals for improvements in aviation security. The recommendations are for government financial contribution, a partnership between government and industry, and a holistic approach. Bilaterals and alliances are the best means of obtaining international progress. Attacks on aviation have abated but may recur. Countermeasures should be systematically strengthened. The research has recognised the need to withhold information of value to attackers of aviation.