The rise of the internet and the digital world becoming a bigger part of our lives has provided a new platform for adults to contact children for sexual purposes. The alternative media Dumpen.se has, with its controversial approach, taken responsibility for solving this problem and their work has been met with diligent reporting in established media. The purpose of the thesis is therefore to investigate how established media frame alternative media, with Dumpen as a case, in their articles. In addition, attitudes and possible power relations will be addressed. The study will answer the questions: (1) What main themes can be identified in the media reporting on Dumpen in Swedish established media? and (2) What attitudes and possible power relations are being portrayed? In order to answer this a thematic analysis has been executed on articles that deal with Dumpen during a selected time frame. The thesis uses framing theory as a theoretical framework. The results reveal that Dumpen is framed by established media through three distinctive main themes: Legal issues, Ethical issues and The role of media. The attitudes portrayed are generally negative towards Dumpen. The study has contributed to developing the research field by examining how established media choose to portray another smaller media, in the form of Dumpen.se, which is a new group that has received a lot of attention in society.

Nattvandring är ett utbrett men understuderat fenomen i Sverige. Över 400 grupper är aktiva i 21 län och engagemanget uppskattas idag till ca 60 000 deltagare. Syftet med studien är att belysa hur nattvandring kan se ut, bidra till en ökad förståelse kring nattvandring i Stockholmsområdet samt hur verksamheten kan skilja sig åt i olika områden. När staten tar ett steg tillbaka och civila medborgare engagerar sig frivilligt och tar ett större ansvar i skapandet av trygghet och ordning kan även risker uppstå. Studien strävar därför även efter att belysa vilka risker som uppstår och hur dessa hanteras av nattvandringsgrupperna. Genom deltagande observationer och intervjuer med nattvandrare aktiva i tre områden i Stockholm strävar studien efter att skapa ökad förståelse kring hur nattvandring praktiskt kan genomföras samt belysa de risker som kan uppstå när vanliga medborgare involveras i aktiviteter som inkluderar någon form av övervakning/kontroll. Resultatet visar att nattvandringen organiseras på lite olika sätt samtidigt som det praktiska tillvägagångssättet skiljer sig mellan områdena. Gruppernas rörelsemönster varierar och centreras kring olika platser utifrån vad nattvandrarna upplever vara orsaker till otrygghet i området. Gruppernas agerande i mötet med berusade ungdomar framträder som ytterligare en skillnad, vilken kan förstås utifrån varierande samverkansformer med andra aktörer aktiva i området – framför allt fältassistenterna. Nattvandringen kan innebära risker för de som deltar, men grupperna har strategier för att minska riskerna exempelvis när det gäller kontaktsökande med ungdomar. Samtidigt identifieras en risk att normbrytande beteende enbart förflyttas ur nattvandrarnas synhåll. Erfarenheter från en av grupperna visar att risken för vigilanta handlingar och att vuxna med ”fel” inställning deltar är reell. Slutsatserna betonar att skillnader mellan grupperna egentligen inte är överraskande eftersom verksamheten bygger på ideellt engagemang och utformas av individer med olika uppfattningar om området och dess problembilder. Skillnaderna i samverkansformen med statliga aktörer blir däremot en viktig aspekt. Studien visar att gränsen mellan engagemang och vigilanta handlingar kan vara tunn och att samverkan utgör en strategi för att minska risken att ”fel” vuxna ansluter.

Thesis (M. A. (Criminology and Criminal Justice)) -- University of Limpopo, 2018 / Vigilantism is a contentious issue that will persist into the future for as long as crime exists. This research aimed at determining community’s perception on vigilantism. The Criminal Justice System has failed community of Matome Village, in the sense that they lost trust and lacked confidence in CJS. Actions involved in vigilantism are not only an expression of people’s anger or frustration but also of their fear. This study adopted both qualitative and quantitative approaches. Probability sampling (Stratified sampling) was used to select participants. For qualitative approach an interview schedule with prearranged questions was conducted and used in both focus group1 and 2 interviews. Focus group 1 consisted of 10 participants, while focus group 2 consisted of 8 participants. For quantitative approach, 80 questionnaires with close-ended and open-ended questions were distributed among community members who took part in the study, and the aim was to get their opinions and experience of vigilantism. The data collected was analysed (thematic content analysis was used) and interpreted by copying exactly words that were said by the participants. The study documented the disadvantages and consequences of vigilantism to fill in the existing gaps of the dangers of vigilante incidents in the literature. Strain theory by Robert Agnew was applied as the suitable theory which best explains why people resort to partake in vigilantism. The research identified factors which contributed mostly to vigilantism, such as: a way of protection and desire for revenge (anger and frustration). KEY WORDS: Vigilantism, Crime, Culprit, Strain, Community participation, Matome Village, Criminal Justice System, Police Officers.

Violent non-state actors have represented a significant challenge for both national and international security in recent decades. One of the many countries that have experienced extensive violence perpetrated by these entities is also Kenya. Particularly armed group called Mungiki managed to become influential security, political, criminal and religious actor. Considering frequent transformations of the group making it difficult to determine what type of violent non-state actor Mungiki is, the group still represents a challenging case for researchers to fully comprehend. To contribute to the understanding of this entity and extend contemporary knowledge of violent non-state actors, this study aims to conceptualize individual phases of Mungiki development and discover mechanisms behind its recurrent metamorphoses from one type of violent actor to another. Based on the review of existing literature focused on violent non-state actors, their conceptualization, emergence, and transformations, the thesis uses a case-centric process- tracing method aimed at explaining particular outcomes of individual transformations. The study consists of an in-depth analysis of Mungiki development in the context of Kenyan security and political environment. The results indicate that Mungiki represented different types...

This study examines how the #MeToo-movement was influenced by different forms of informal justice on the social media platform Twitter in 2017. Furthermore, online U.S. news media is analyzed in its contributory role during the movement. Thus, these two sites of analysis also highlight the interplay between social media and online news sources. Therefore, the research questions are: R.Q. 1: How were different forms of informal justice facilitated through networked activism on Twitter during the 2017 #MeToo-movement?R.Q. 2: In what ways did the reporting of online U.S. news media contribute to the mechanisms of informal justice on social media during the 2017 #MeToo-movement? Both questions are answered through two independent qualitative content analyses: The first critically evaluates 80 tweets from the social media platform Twitter that were published between October 15 - December 31, 2017, with the hashtag #MeToo; the second reviews 12 online articles from online U.S. news sources that reported about the online proliferation of the #MeToo-movement.While the results contained online shaming of celebrities and public figures, no distinctive forms of punishment or vigilantism could be identified within the samples. Furthermore, victims of abuse engaged in self-disclosure without exposing their abusers. Still, informal justice could be understood as a way to speak up against societal injustice by expressing a clear warning towards sexual perpetrators through digitally networked activism. At the same time, online news source merely reiterated social media developments without engaging in additional online shaming. However, these news sources also participated in #MeToo-related justice by spreading further awareness about the movement. Thus, a reciprocal relationship between social media and online U.S. news media became evident.

This paper analyzes how vulnerability is represented in the Jack Reacher series, by drawing onwork by Bryan Turner and Judith Butler. The purpose of the research is to investigate the reasonReacher’s acts of vigilantism are needed. I look at examples of vulnerability and precarity foundin the books Killing Floor and Die Trying, and argue that state neglect is the cause of economicand social vulnerability in the towns Margrave and Yorke, leading to precarity expressed ascriminal money and community subjugation controlling the towns. I conclude that the solutionpresented, through vigilantism, is reassuring but insufficient, but that the series, in representing acomplex display of vulnerability and acknowledging the insufficiency of the solution, stressesthe difficulty of presenting a simple solution to the multifaceted nature of the issue ofvulnerability.

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This study aims to use critical discourse analysis to discern how support for vigilante acts is justified, legitimized, and constructed. By analyzing 1000 comments left on YouTube videos depicting violent vigilante acts, this study looks to create a discourse of the acts, their context, and the actors involved. The videos depict individuals taking the law into their own hands as they react to a crime, theft. Both videos end in the death of the criminal. One video takes place in the U.S. and one in the U.K. Previous research has focused on distrust of police and the justice system, to understand why citizens resort to vigilantism. With discussions on fear of crime and community justice. This study shows similar sentiments to previous research. The comments describe a discourse of society as declining, and crime perceived as increasing. The commentators create a sense of belonging and identify with the vigilante as an ‘insider’ whilst the ‘criminal’ is dehumanized and described as the ‘outsider’, and the criminal justice system is constructed as dysfunctional/illegitimate. This discourse leads the participants to see the act of the vigilante as honorable and necessary, as it’s perceived as the only way to get justice. Rights (such as due process) are pictured as something that is earned, and the criminal forfeited these rights when the decision was made to commit a crime. This points to what is described as the problem with a ‘strong state’ and how it might encourage vigilantism. This study adds to previous research by painting a full-picture critical discourse of support for vigilantism whilst also exploring how societal power dynamics play a role in its construction.

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Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-11T14:46:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Bruno Teixeira Bahia.pdf: 1034471 bytes, checksum: 47e97743f37d64bfe12eef2d37376b16 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-05-02T12:31:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Bruno Teixeira Bahia.pdf: 1034471 bytes, checksum: 47e97743f37d64bfe12eef2d37376b16 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-02T12:31:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Bruno Teixeira Bahia.pdf: 1034471 bytes, checksum: 47e97743f37d64bfe12eef2d37376b16 (MD5) / Este trabalho mergulha no mundo de um grupo de extermínio, formado por policiais militares, na busca da compreensão da sua gênese, motivações e relações, não só com o Estado, principalmente com agentes e instituições do Sistema de Justiça Criminal - tais como Polícia Civil, Polícia Militar, Ministério Público e Poder Judiciário, mas com a comunidade - um bairro periférico e de população de baixo poder aquisitivo de Salvador - onde atuava predominantemente. Partindo da análise de documentos extraídos de 19 (dezenove) processos judiciais e complementados com entrevistas com os perpetradores, a pesquisa buscou dimensionar o fenômeno na busca por circunstâncias que possibilitaram a formação e a atuação deste grupo de extermínio, o qual, atuando livremente em um bairro de Salvador, por quase três anos, vitimou, pelo menos, 26 (vinte e seis) pessoas. O estudo ainda revela as dificuldades de adequação das práticas do grupo ao conceito de Vigilantismo, já que aponta para uma atuação mais ampla destes agentes, especializados no uso da violência, dentro de um mercado violento informal. Por fim, as pesquisas revelaram que a força deste grupo de extermínio não se esgotava na violência empreendia por seus agentes, mas que era incrementada com o apoio de uma rede de participantes os quais, ainda que não se envolvessem diretamente nas execuções, lhes garantia informação e proteção, potencializando as ações e o medo provocados pela prática.This paper delves into the world of a death squad formed by military police in the search for understanding of its genesis, motivations and relationships, not only with the state, especially with agents and institutions of the criminal justice system - such as civil police, Military Police, Public Ministry and judiciary, but with the community - an outlying neighborhood and low income population of Salvador - where he worked predominantly. Based on the extracted document analysis of nineteen (19) lawsuits and supplemented with interviews with the perpetrators, the research sought to scale the phenomenon in the search for circumstances that made possible the formation and performance of this death squad, which, freely acting in a neighborhood of Salvador, for almost three years, killed at least 26 (twenty six) people. The study also reveals the difficulties of adapting the group practices the concept of vigilantism, already pointing to a wider action of these agents who specialize in the use of violence within a violent informal market. Finally, the research revealed that the strength of this death squad was not just the violence waged by its agents, but that was increased with the support of a network of participants who, even if not directly involved in the executions, provide them with information and protection, increasing the actions and fear caused by the practice.