1989年國際勞工組織大會考慮國際法律進展與世界部落民族的發展狀況，認識到各民族希望在所居住國家的結構內，得以自主管理本民族各類機構、生活方式和經濟發展。本研究目的基於上述的研究意識，探討台灣原住民族考試制度的設計是否積極改善過去體制對原住民的結構性錯誤與忽略？而透過考試制度篩選出的原住民公務人員是否即能更為敏銳地辦理原住民族公共事務？本研究首先釐清原住民族特考的相關爭議，以政策設計的觀點分析原住民族特考的政策問題、政策目標及政策工具，繼而探討原住民族特考執行後產生的問題。 基於文獻分析與訪談結果，本研究發現原住民族特考制度原先要解決的政策問題是原住民擔任公務人員的機會偏低，以及缺乏處理原住民政府事務的原住民公務人員。而原住民族特考制度之法定立法目的為照顧原住民族就業權益，本研究認為尚有提升原住民族擔任公務人員的比例，以及由原住民辦理原住民公共事務等兩個政策目標。透過限制報考身分、統一分發並限制轉調機關、限制轉調年限此三種政策工具，原民特考達成目標的同時，也因為工具的設計不良，以及原住民族社會的變遷，產生了新的問題，新的問題包含：非都市地區原住民擔任公務人員的機會較低、原民特考錄取的公務人員無法就近於居住地服務、原民特考錄取的公務人員不見得了解原住民族語言文化。上述問題將影響經由原住民族特考成為原住民公務人員的積極代表性，以及原住民族特考目前的設計無法達到適才適用的原則，並且影響原住民族部落的生活方式。 因此本研究提出三個政策建議以試圖解決問題，分別為分區考試分發並延長轉調年限、「文化及語言能力證明」權重加分制、以及依據原鄉國中小就讀年數作為分級加分因素之一。亦即原住民族特考作為一種矯正歧視優惠行動，該矯正歧視優惠行動的適用對象得以因應政策目的有所限縮。限縮適用對象，將資源比例調整到真正有需求的偏遠地區原住民，能強化矯正歧視優惠行動的正當性，將真正具有弱勢代表性的原住民菁英篩選至政府機關服務，為政府機關帶入多元的觀點與價值。

公務人員受委託行使行政權，享有身分保障和穩定收入，因而被視為社會體系的中上階層。基於此等特性，學者曾經提出代表性官僚理論與多元代表性等理論，希望能夠以此調和民主與效率兩大價值，達成政策執行的實質公平。然過去相關的實證研究，多半屬於「事後檢測」。但是我國公民除了通過公務人員考試之外，幾乎沒有其他擠身常任文官的管道，因此有關代表性或多元性的討論應該包括考試階段。換言之，考試錄取人員的人口特性值得深入的分析。本研究以2003至2007年的高等考試參與者為主要研究對象，輔以司法官三等考試的資料以利比較。接著，引用社會學「地位取得」的分析架構，採取指數比較分析與邏輯迴歸分析，探索性別、年齡、受教育時間、畢業學校特性、出身地域與錄取與否的關係。 　　本研究結果顯示，女性、非傳統公立綜合大學的畢業生、鄉鎮地區出身者以及41歲以上的考生在公務人員考試中處於較為不利的地位，但是與優勢團體之間的差距隨著考試等級和種類有所不同。例如女性在行政類與司法官考試中，與男性的表現平分秋色甚至猶有過之；剛完成高等教育的25歲以下人口在司法官考試裡最具優勢，但高考三級則有利於26至35歲的青年；傳統公立大學的文憑與都市出身的背景，在技術類考試能發揮的正效果比行政類考試為弱。基於上述的研究發現，為消除各種團體在公務人員考試裡的地位差距，本研究對於未來的考選政策提出下列建議：1.加強命題與口試委員的多元化；2.強化試題的研究發展；3.配合政府再造鬆綁人事法規；4.營造一個落實多元平等的大環境。 / Civil servants, with administrative power in hand, are commonly regarded as part of upper class. Therefore, researchers, to integrate democracy and efficiency in civil service system and to realize the genuine equality, propose representative bureaucracy and team diversity theory. Senior Civil Service Examination, the main approach, if not only, for citizens in Taiwan to enter the bureaucracy affects the representativeness and diversity of state apparatus substantially. By adopting the research approach of “status attainment” from sociology, this study gives an account of the relation between the examination result and the demographics in terms of gender, education, school characteristic, and region. All the data of this research is based on participators’ personnel information cards collected by the Ministry of Examination from 2003 to 2007. The result indicates that four types of participators are inferior in the examination, including women, graduates from private untraditional technological colleges, participators from rural areas, and adults above forty-one years old. The differences between superior and inferior groups, however, vary with the level and subject of examination. To prevent demographic differences in Senior Civil Service Examination, the study suggests the following factors be considered: the diversity of the composition of examiners committee should be ensured, the enhancement of development research of test questions, the deregulation of public personnel rules and, last but not least, the construction of a diversity-respecting society.

本研究以溪洲部落拆遷政策變遷為個案研究，瞭解「代表性官僚」在實務上如何運作，以及他們在現實的政策環境中如何自處，藉由深入的探討來發掘「代表性官僚」的更多可能，讓他們發揮積極代表性的功能。研究方法以深度訪談為主，在不足處再佐以官方新聞稿及國內報紙新聞資料，進行5位受訪者，共計6次訪談，研究範圍自2007年9月至2011年5月止。 本研究結果發現，因個案牽涉層級太高，臺北縣原民局的行政決策空間有限，在個人因素方面，「代表性官僚與代表團體間擁有共享的價值觀與信念」、「代表性官僚改變政策標的之行為」、「代表性官僚本身對其代表性的認同程度」等對代表性官僚的決策與執行有影響；在結構因素中「行政裁量權的多寡」與「外在政治環境」對代表性官僚的決策與執行有影響，較具體是反映在專業與資源不足、社會運動蓬勃、媒體與政治力介入、學者專家介入等因素。除了上述的影響因素之外，本研究亦發現不同行政人員的信仰、生活經歷、工作經歷等亦會影響行政人員處理相關事務的態度。此外，研究發現認為原住民族身分的行政人員如與政策標的屬於同一族群，則較能發揮文化、語言等優勢進行溝通協調工作，而原民住族在有困難時，也會習慣向自己的原民行政體系尋求協助，顯見「代表性官僚」的存在有其功能。但值得一提的是，非原住民族的行政人員也能夠透過與族人的長期互動來獲得族人的認同，因此，從處理原住民族事務的觀點來看，不論行政人員是否屬於原住民族，培養「原民意識」皆是必須的。 此外，本研究建議：第一，原民體系應增加人力與專業等資源，在政策推動上爭取主導權，避免成為自我限縮的官僚；第二，處理原住民族事務需要「原民意識」的培養，增加行政人員的內在動力；第三，為因應愈來愈多的都市原住民人口，中央原民會應主動進行全盤的政策規劃和立法相關準備工作，讓原住民族的利益能夠獲得立法保障，減少政黨輪替所帶來的影響，最後應有原住民族公共利益的產生制度，並增加族人對於原住民族代表性官僚的課責管道，以回應政策需求。 / This study is a case study about the relocation policy negotiation with Shijou Tribe, in order to understand how "Representative Bureaucracy" works in practice, as well as the real policy environment, and to discover the "representative bureaucracy" more likely to enable them to play an active representative functional . the main research method is in-depth interviews, the five respondents, a total of six interviews, and then combined with the official press releases and newspapers from September 2007 to May 2011 only. The study found that because the case involves high-level, Council of Indigenous Peoples Bureau, Taipei County executive decision-making space is limited. In personal factors, "between representative bureaucrats and representative groups with shared values and beliefs," "representative bureaucrats to change its policy subject of conduct "," representative bureaucracy itself, the recognition of their representative, " influence representative bureaucrats on the decision-making and implementation. In the structure factors, "the amount of administrative discretion" and "external political environment" influence representative bureaucrats on decision-making and implementation, more specifically reflected in the lack of expertise and resources, social movements, media and political forces involved, scholars expert intervention. Except the above factors, the study also found that the administrative staff of different beliefs, life experiences, work experience and other administrative staff will also affect the attitude of dealing with relevant affairs. In addition, the study found that Aboriginal identity and policy underlying executive officer of the same ethnic group, are more able to play culture, language and other advantages of communication and coordination, and the original people also used to their own administrative systems of Indigenous Peoples for assistance, which shows that the existence of "representative bureaucracy" has its functions. But it is worth mentioning that non-Aboriginal executives can also via the long-term interaction with the tribe to get the tribe recognized, therefore, deal with Aboriginal affairs from the point of view, regardless of whether they are Aboriginal administrative staff, developing a "sense of the original people" are necessary. In the end, this study suggests that the original system should increase professional ability and other resources, to avoid becoming a self-limited reduction of bureaucracy; In addition, increase administrative personnel intrinsic motivation; Finally, in response to an increasing number of urban Aboriginal population, Council of Indigenous Peoples, Executive Yuan should adjust overall policy planning and legislation related to preparatory work for the interests of indigenous peoples to obtain legislative protection, reducing the impact of politics. On the other hand, indigenous peoples should have the system for the public interest and increase the representative bureaucrats accountability.

【目的與理論】 探討「統治現象」的方法有二：一是透過制度研究的方式，第二則是進行統治菁英的研究。本文即是以「人」的角度出發，探討國民黨、民進黨政府執政菁英的生態與差異。並以代表理論延伸至「代表性中央執政菁英」的觀點，以兩千年台灣社會人口統計作為檢視這兩個政權的執政團隊是否具有社會代表性的標準。預期透過這樣的研究，去理解一個統治台灣長達五十年的國民黨，以及成立於一九八六年的新興民進黨，這兩個背景迥然不同的政黨，執政團隊的結構究竟有什麼樣的差異，而其趨勢為何…等，進行初始性的探索與研究。 【研究方法】 本文為國內首起有關中央政府執政菁英組成之比較性研究，必須透過蒐集國史館網站、行政院暨所屬各機關人事名錄、中華民國名人錄…等次級資料，來進行本研究資料庫的建立。預期透過比較兩政府執政菁英的黨籍、性別、省籍、區域、世代及前職等個人變項，去理解這兩個政權是否因為政黨間特色的差異，所以形成了不同的執政菁英生態，並以代表理論作為呼應。 【研究結論】 分析新、舊政權執政菁英的組成生態後，發現落實兩性共治理念的限制、世代的交替、外省族群勢力的全面性撤退、雲嘉南政治菁英的崛起及民進黨政府取才管道的多樣化等。透過比較由遠至近的時間點，印證了執政菁英的組成生態（例如性別、世代、族群及區域等變項）在符合台灣社會人口的代表性上，不是政權交替之後才急遽地產生變化，而是逐漸改變的，雖然其在改變的幅度上有所差異。再者，民進黨政府於取得執政權後逐漸於政務層級中置入實際的政治權力，全民政府的理念僅是首次組閣的政治性宣傳。最後，民進黨執政團隊於可替代性較高的部門及政務層級中，社會人口的代表性較易達成。 / This thesis is an exploratory study of the composition of governing elites on Taiwan. Secondary data analysis is the primary method used in this research. The data of elite profiles are mainly collected from the following sources: (1) a website database on historical figures from the Academia Historica; (2) the official address-book on superintendents of the Executive Yuan and its departments; (3) Who's Who of the Republic of China. This research compared personal variables of governing elites of two regimes, such as party membership, gender, ethnic group, area, generation, and pervious profession. In this way, this study tries to answer whether the characteristic differences between KMT and DPP governments will lead to the different characteristics of the governing elites as depicts in the theory of representative bureaucracy. After analyzing the composition of governing elites of the two regimes, we have following five findings. First, there is a long way to go to gender equality in governing elites regardless a little progress has been made by the DPP. Second, governing elites of DPP government are younger than KMT government. Third, much less elites of mainland Chinese origin are appointed by the DPP than the KMT. Forth, DPP appointed much more southern Taiwanese elites than the KMT does. Lastly, governing elites in DPP government are coming from a more diverse prior professions than those in the KMT government.