1989年國際勞工組織大會考慮國際法律進展與世界部落民族的發展狀況，認識到各民族希望在所居住國家的結構內，得以自主管理本民族各類機構、生活方式和經濟發展。本研究目的基於上述的研究意識，探討台灣原住民族考試制度的設計是否積極改善過去體制對原住民的結構性錯誤與忽略？而透過考試制度篩選出的原住民公務人員是否即能更為敏銳地辦理原住民族公共事務？本研究首先釐清原住民族特考的相關爭議，以政策設計的觀點分析原住民族特考的政策問題、政策目標及政策工具，繼而探討原住民族特考執行後產生的問題。 基於文獻分析與訪談結果，本研究發現原住民族特考制度原先要解決的政策問題是原住民擔任公務人員的機會偏低，以及缺乏處理原住民政府事務的原住民公務人員。而原住民族特考制度之法定立法目的為照顧原住民族就業權益，本研究認為尚有提升原住民族擔任公務人員的比例，以及由原住民辦理原住民公共事務等兩個政策目標。透過限制報考身分、統一分發並限制轉調機關、限制轉調年限此三種政策工具，原民特考達成目標的同時，也因為工具的設計不良，以及原住民族社會的變遷，產生了新的問題，新的問題包含：非都市地區原住民擔任公務人員的機會較低、原民特考錄取的公務人員無法就近於居住地服務、原民特考錄取的公務人員不見得了解原住民族語言文化。上述問題將影響經由原住民族特考成為原住民公務人員的積極代表性，以及原住民族特考目前的設計無法達到適才適用的原則，並且影響原住民族部落的生活方式。 因此本研究提出三個政策建議以試圖解決問題，分別為分區考試分發並延長轉調年限、「文化及語言能力證明」權重加分制、以及依據原鄉國中小就讀年數作為分級加分因素之一。亦即原住民族特考作為一種矯正歧視優惠行動，該矯正歧視優惠行動的適用對象得以因應政策目的有所限縮。限縮適用對象，將資源比例調整到真正有需求的偏遠地區原住民，能強化矯正歧視優惠行動的正當性，將真正具有弱勢代表性的原住民菁英篩選至政府機關服務，為政府機關帶入多元的觀點與價值。

【目的與理論】 探討「統治現象」的方法有二：一是透過制度研究的方式，第二則是進行統治菁英的研究。本文即是以「人」的角度出發，探討國民黨、民進黨政府執政菁英的生態與差異。並以代表理論延伸至「代表性中央執政菁英」的觀點，以兩千年台灣社會人口統計作為檢視這兩個政權的執政團隊是否具有社會代表性的標準。預期透過這樣的研究，去理解一個統治台灣長達五十年的國民黨，以及成立於一九八六年的新興民進黨，這兩個背景迥然不同的政黨，執政團隊的結構究竟有什麼樣的差異，而其趨勢為何…等，進行初始性的探索與研究。 【研究方法】 本文為國內首起有關中央政府執政菁英組成之比較性研究，必須透過蒐集國史館網站、行政院暨所屬各機關人事名錄、中華民國名人錄…等次級資料，來進行本研究資料庫的建立。預期透過比較兩政府執政菁英的黨籍、性別、省籍、區域、世代及前職等個人變項，去理解這兩個政權是否因為政黨間特色的差異，所以形成了不同的執政菁英生態，並以代表理論作為呼應。 【研究結論】 分析新、舊政權執政菁英的組成生態後，發現落實兩性共治理念的限制、世代的交替、外省族群勢力的全面性撤退、雲嘉南政治菁英的崛起及民進黨政府取才管道的多樣化等。透過比較由遠至近的時間點，印證了執政菁英的組成生態（例如性別、世代、族群及區域等變項）在符合台灣社會人口的代表性上，不是政權交替之後才急遽地產生變化，而是逐漸改變的，雖然其在改變的幅度上有所差異。再者，民進黨政府於取得執政權後逐漸於政務層級中置入實際的政治權力，全民政府的理念僅是首次組閣的政治性宣傳。最後，民進黨執政團隊於可替代性較高的部門及政務層級中，社會人口的代表性較易達成。 / This thesis is an exploratory study of the composition of governing elites on Taiwan. Secondary data analysis is the primary method used in this research. The data of elite profiles are mainly collected from the following sources: (1) a website database on historical figures from the Academia Historica; (2) the official address-book on superintendents of the Executive Yuan and its departments; (3) Who's Who of the Republic of China. This research compared personal variables of governing elites of two regimes, such as party membership, gender, ethnic group, area, generation, and pervious profession. In this way, this study tries to answer whether the characteristic differences between KMT and DPP governments will lead to the different characteristics of the governing elites as depicts in the theory of representative bureaucracy. After analyzing the composition of governing elites of the two regimes, we have following five findings. First, there is a long way to go to gender equality in governing elites regardless a little progress has been made by the DPP. Second, governing elites of DPP government are younger than KMT government. Third, much less elites of mainland Chinese origin are appointed by the DPP than the KMT. Forth, DPP appointed much more southern Taiwanese elites than the KMT does. Lastly, governing elites in DPP government are coming from a more diverse prior professions than those in the KMT government.

行政部門委員會為政府內具有公共參與特質的合議制組織，來自社會層級的利害關係人被納入決策圈，並共同決定政策內容，作者稱之為委員會參與機制。此決策模式結合了社會與政府對公共參與的期待，並在世界各國廣泛使用。行政管理者宣稱可透過社會代表性的提升，提高政策的正當性與回應性；但實務上，委員會卻遭遇密室協商、激化對立、政治操弄等質疑。對此，本研究提出以下疑問：公共參與是否真能回應社會的政策需求？該如何具體評估參與績效？ 依據委員會的決策結構特質，作者由公共參與的理論視野探討代表性和回應性的因果機制，提供一套以委員會為主體的參與評估標準。代表性在理論上有形式與實質代表性兩個層次，共包含參與制度、議事行為與會議影響力三個面向；回應性則強調利害關係人對委員會回應需求的主觀評價，又分為民主程序與實質利益的需求回應能力兩類。參與概念落實在制度賦權和議事行為，應該會同時強化兩類回應性。在研究方法上，本文以全民健康保險委員會為分析案例：首先透過跨國比較，分析台灣、日本、韓國、加拿大以及德國在類似的審議機制中，如何建構委員會代表性的制度。依此基礎，再針對第一屆健保會的運作進行分析，透過利害關係人問卷、健保會會議記錄內容分析、深度訪談與焦點團體等方法，深入探討健保會之政策回應能力。 研究結果發現：一、委員會參與的制度賦權和正當性皆來自代議機關，尚無法取而代之。台灣健保會之形式代表性，在行政單位主導下仍偏好具有政治動員能力的團體，較忽略社會連帶或保障弱勢的價值。二、健保會在民主功能和實質結果兩個回應性面向的評價皆為正面，而民主程序的評價又優於後者。然而，相互理解的功能評價再高，卻未對實質回應性產生顯著影響。三、是否具有健保會席次並不影響回應性評估；但直接與會者以及實際參與愈積極者，卻反而對委員會回應利害關係人需求的能力抱持較悲觀的看法。最後，在程序面和實質面評價上最為顯著的因素為會議影響力，會議影響力愈大的團體，其回應性也就愈高。 總結上述來回答核心問題：參與是否會提高利害關係人的回應性？在極大化個體利益的動機下，參與制度和行為都只提供爭取權益的機會，不必然導致實質利益。再加上負擔參與成本以及競爭資源的政治現實，參與者進入體制後，反而對委員會的政策回應能力持質疑的態度。是故，會議影響力為關鍵因素，只有在參與過程中獲利愈多者，其回應性才有直接的正面作用；若忽略參與途徑和結果的連結以及權力互動，就過度簡化了參與的政治本質。基於此，行政管理者掌握了決策結構與行政資源，若想取得較佳的回應性評價，就必須在制度和過程面中平衡不同的社會力量，才能使委員會發揮多元參與的功能，而不只是優勢團體的工具。 / Governmental committees are a kind of public participatory mechanism, whereby policy stakeholders are incorporated in the decision making procedure and negotiate with each other to policy outcomes. This mechanism accords with the expectations of both society and government and is frequently used by executive branches all over the world. Ideally, social representativeness can strengthen legitimacy and thereby increase responsiveness. However, in practice, there have also been some criticisms of the committee mechanism, including black box decision making, conflict enlargement, and administrative manipulation. To response this debate, my study addresses whether this type of public participation is responsive to policy demands as well as how to substantially evaluate its effectiveness. Theoretically, participation has a positive impact on policy demands, I provide more precise analysis using the concepts of representativeness and responsiveness. The former refers to how interests are presented in the decision making process, including in both the formal and substantive dimension. The latter refers to the committee’s ability to respond to procedural and substantive demands from society. To illustrate the theoretical framework, the National Health Insurance Committee (NHIC) in Taiwan is taken as my case study. The empirical section is divided into two parts, Fist, I explore original guiding values and institutional design of five committees that emerged under different political-social contexts in Japan, South Korea, Canada, Germany and Taiwan. Based on the results of this comparison, the NHIC in Taiwan is my main topic in the second part. The participatory behavior of committee members and their evaluation of the NHIC system are discussed through the various research methods, such as interviews, focus groups, stakeholder surveys, and also context analysis of meeting minutes. Four results of the study are illustrated as follows: 1. Because the legitimacy of the committee mechanism is empowered by traditional representative authority (the elected legislative or executive branch), it serves a supplementary rather than substitutive function to the existing system. Especially in Taiwan, the administration prefers the advantaged groups more capable of mobilizing social supports over the vulnerable groups which may bring the values of social solidarity and justice into the decision-making of the committee. 2. Stakeholders positively appraised the NHIC’s responsive capacity, both in the procedural and substantive dimensions, with the former appraised more highly than the latter. However, a high level of communication functions had no impact on responsiveness. 3. The institutional variable has no impact on responsiveness. However, direct participation in meetings was associated with more pessimistic views of the NHIC when compared to the non-participators. In addition, the more actors were involved in the NHIC, the more negative their evaluations were. 4. The most significant variable for responsiveness is the decision influence of stakeholders. Does participation strengthen stakeholders’ responsiveness? Under the condition that individuals are motivated by interest maximization, while institutional design and participatory behavior seek to pursue individual interest, it may not always realize substantial benefits. Furthermore, after becoming institutional insiders, the costs of participation and the political reality of power competition will make stakeholders more skeptical about the responsiveness of committee mechanisms. In other words, whether participation can increase the stakeholders’ satisfaction mainly depends on the benefit they can obtain from it. Without taking into account the link between participatory approaches and results, as well as the interaction between various stakeholders, we cannot gain a full picture of the nature of policy participation. In terms of practical reforms, to increase performance responsiveness, administrators who control the structures and resources of the NHIC should incorporate different social forces and interests on the input and process dimensions. This will enable the committee mechanism to perform the function of pluralistic participation, rather than simply serving as a political tool for advantaged groups.

公務人員受委託行使行政權，享有身分保障和穩定收入，因而被視為社會體系的中上階層。基於此等特性，學者曾經提出代表性官僚理論與多元代表性等理論，希望能夠以此調和民主與效率兩大價值，達成政策執行的實質公平。然過去相關的實證研究，多半屬於「事後檢測」。但是我國公民除了通過公務人員考試之外，幾乎沒有其他擠身常任文官的管道，因此有關代表性或多元性的討論應該包括考試階段。換言之，考試錄取人員的人口特性值得深入的分析。本研究以2003至2007年的高等考試參與者為主要研究對象，輔以司法官三等考試的資料以利比較。接著，引用社會學「地位取得」的分析架構，採取指數比較分析與邏輯迴歸分析，探索性別、年齡、受教育時間、畢業學校特性、出身地域與錄取與否的關係。 　　本研究結果顯示，女性、非傳統公立綜合大學的畢業生、鄉鎮地區出身者以及41歲以上的考生在公務人員考試中處於較為不利的地位，但是與優勢團體之間的差距隨著考試等級和種類有所不同。例如女性在行政類與司法官考試中，與男性的表現平分秋色甚至猶有過之；剛完成高等教育的25歲以下人口在司法官考試裡最具優勢，但高考三級則有利於26至35歲的青年；傳統公立大學的文憑與都市出身的背景，在技術類考試能發揮的正效果比行政類考試為弱。基於上述的研究發現，為消除各種團體在公務人員考試裡的地位差距，本研究對於未來的考選政策提出下列建議：1.加強命題與口試委員的多元化；2.強化試題的研究發展；3.配合政府再造鬆綁人事法規；4.營造一個落實多元平等的大環境。 / Civil servants, with administrative power in hand, are commonly regarded as part of upper class. Therefore, researchers, to integrate democracy and efficiency in civil service system and to realize the genuine equality, propose representative bureaucracy and team diversity theory. Senior Civil Service Examination, the main approach, if not only, for citizens in Taiwan to enter the bureaucracy affects the representativeness and diversity of state apparatus substantially. By adopting the research approach of “status attainment” from sociology, this study gives an account of the relation between the examination result and the demographics in terms of gender, education, school characteristic, and region. All the data of this research is based on participators’ personnel information cards collected by the Ministry of Examination from 2003 to 2007. The result indicates that four types of participators are inferior in the examination, including women, graduates from private untraditional technological colleges, participators from rural areas, and adults above forty-one years old. The differences between superior and inferior groups, however, vary with the level and subject of examination. To prevent demographic differences in Senior Civil Service Examination, the study suggests the following factors be considered: the diversity of the composition of examiners committee should be ensured, the enhancement of development research of test questions, the deregulation of public personnel rules and, last but not least, the construction of a diversity-respecting society.

本研究的目的為研究國中九年級學生在學習機率單元前後，對於機率概念的了解與代表性偏誤、可利用性偏誤Kahneman＆Tversky(1974)）及結果取向判斷偏誤(Konold1989)的異同。主要採量的分析，以自訂的問卷評量工具對受試者進行筆試。研究之樣本為學過國小簡單機率的國中九年級學生，問卷實施的方式為筆試，研究過程設計了前測、後測兩份試卷，並在施測前進行預試來評估試題信度、效度。前測問卷施測目的在探討學生在教學前利用常識、直觀來解題所可能造成的機率偏誤。教學過後也進行後測問卷的施測，並利用前後兩次施測的結果，探討國中生在教學前後機率判斷偏誤上的差異性。本研究之對象為中學九年級學生，共148位學生來進行施測，研究者依學生數學分組教學之成績，分為高分群、中間群、低分群，依據性別和分群兩個變項來進行分析。分析結果發現： 1.性別變項無顯著差異，故教學過程中不用特別考慮性別差異。 2.分群分析結果如下： (1)結果取向 在一次投擲問題中，前、後測問卷分析結果發現，中、高分群前後測整體表現皆無偏誤的比例較低分群來的少。 (2)代表性偏誤 在代表性偏誤中的正時近效應與負時近效應的問題中，低分群在前、後測仍犯有偏誤比中、高分群前後測都犯有偏誤的比例來的高。而改變樣本空間問題中，中、高分群在前、後測皆沒有偏誤的比比例較低分群高。複合樣本問題中探討代表性偏誤，低分群在前、後測仍然有偏誤的比例較中、高分群前、後測犯有偏誤高。 (3)可利用性偏誤 三群在前、後測的綜合表現並無顯著差異。 / The study aims to explore the differences of judgmental heuristic and biases on representativeness, availability (Kahneman &Tversky, 1974) and outcome approach (Konold, 1989) in terms of comprehension of probability concepts by ninth graders before and after studying the subject. The results are based on a quantitative analysis of the data collected from two sets of paper-and-pencil self-designed questionnaires. Pre-test questionnaire is meant to explore students’ potential probability biases when they work out the problems based on their previous knowledge and intuition prior to any instruction, while post-test questionnaire is conducted after instruction. The subjects in our experiment are composed of one hundred and forty-eight ninth graders who have only learned some basic probability concepts in primary school, and are classified into high-, mid- and low-scorer groups based on their previous academic performance. The findings suggest that: 1. Gender effect is not significantly different, so there is no need to pay attention to the gender difference in teaching process. 2. The results of analyses for different groups are listed in what follows. (1) Outcome approach: In the problem of tossing a coin, the results of pre-test and post-test indicate that the proportion of subjects who are without biases is higher in mid- and high-scorers than that of low-scorers. (2) Representativeness bias: In the problem of positive recency effect and negative recency effect, the proportion of committing biases is higher in low-scorers than that of mid- and high-scorers in both pre- and post-tests. In the problem of changes in sample spaces, the proportion of lack of biases is higher in mid- and high-scorers than that of low-scorers. In the composite-event problem that deals with representative biases, the proportion of committing biases among low-scorers is higher than that of mid- and high-scorers in both pre- and post-tests. (3) Availability bias: There is no significant difference in the overall performance of pre- and post-tests among the three groups.

本研究以溪洲部落拆遷政策變遷為個案研究，瞭解「代表性官僚」在實務上如何運作，以及他們在現實的政策環境中如何自處，藉由深入的探討來發掘「代表性官僚」的更多可能，讓他們發揮積極代表性的功能。研究方法以深度訪談為主，在不足處再佐以官方新聞稿及國內報紙新聞資料，進行5位受訪者，共計6次訪談，研究範圍自2007年9月至2011年5月止。 本研究結果發現，因個案牽涉層級太高，臺北縣原民局的行政決策空間有限，在個人因素方面，「代表性官僚與代表團體間擁有共享的價值觀與信念」、「代表性官僚改變政策標的之行為」、「代表性官僚本身對其代表性的認同程度」等對代表性官僚的決策與執行有影響；在結構因素中「行政裁量權的多寡」與「外在政治環境」對代表性官僚的決策與執行有影響，較具體是反映在專業與資源不足、社會運動蓬勃、媒體與政治力介入、學者專家介入等因素。除了上述的影響因素之外，本研究亦發現不同行政人員的信仰、生活經歷、工作經歷等亦會影響行政人員處理相關事務的態度。此外，研究發現認為原住民族身分的行政人員如與政策標的屬於同一族群，則較能發揮文化、語言等優勢進行溝通協調工作，而原民住族在有困難時，也會習慣向自己的原民行政體系尋求協助，顯見「代表性官僚」的存在有其功能。但值得一提的是，非原住民族的行政人員也能夠透過與族人的長期互動來獲得族人的認同，因此，從處理原住民族事務的觀點來看，不論行政人員是否屬於原住民族，培養「原民意識」皆是必須的。 此外，本研究建議：第一，原民體系應增加人力與專業等資源，在政策推動上爭取主導權，避免成為自我限縮的官僚；第二，處理原住民族事務需要「原民意識」的培養，增加行政人員的內在動力；第三，為因應愈來愈多的都市原住民人口，中央原民會應主動進行全盤的政策規劃和立法相關準備工作，讓原住民族的利益能夠獲得立法保障，減少政黨輪替所帶來的影響，最後應有原住民族公共利益的產生制度，並增加族人對於原住民族代表性官僚的課責管道，以回應政策需求。 / This study is a case study about the relocation policy negotiation with Shijou Tribe, in order to understand how "Representative Bureaucracy" works in practice, as well as the real policy environment, and to discover the "representative bureaucracy" more likely to enable them to play an active representative functional . the main research method is in-depth interviews, the five respondents, a total of six interviews, and then combined with the official press releases and newspapers from September 2007 to May 2011 only. The study found that because the case involves high-level, Council of Indigenous Peoples Bureau, Taipei County executive decision-making space is limited. In personal factors, "between representative bureaucrats and representative groups with shared values and beliefs," "representative bureaucrats to change its policy subject of conduct "," representative bureaucracy itself, the recognition of their representative, " influence representative bureaucrats on the decision-making and implementation. In the structure factors, "the amount of administrative discretion" and "external political environment" influence representative bureaucrats on decision-making and implementation, more specifically reflected in the lack of expertise and resources, social movements, media and political forces involved, scholars expert intervention. Except the above factors, the study also found that the administrative staff of different beliefs, life experiences, work experience and other administrative staff will also affect the attitude of dealing with relevant affairs. In addition, the study found that Aboriginal identity and policy underlying executive officer of the same ethnic group, are more able to play culture, language and other advantages of communication and coordination, and the original people also used to their own administrative systems of Indigenous Peoples for assistance, which shows that the existence of "representative bureaucracy" has its functions. But it is worth mentioning that non-Aboriginal executives can also via the long-term interaction with the tribe to get the tribe recognized, therefore, deal with Aboriginal affairs from the point of view, regardless of whether they are Aboriginal administrative staff, developing a "sense of the original people" are necessary. In the end, this study suggests that the original system should increase professional ability and other resources, to avoid becoming a self-limited reduction of bureaucracy; In addition, increase administrative personnel intrinsic motivation; Finally, in response to an increasing number of urban Aboriginal population, Council of Indigenous Peoples, Executive Yuan should adjust overall policy planning and legislation related to preparatory work for the interests of indigenous peoples to obtain legislative protection, reducing the impact of politics. On the other hand, indigenous peoples should have the system for the public interest and increase the representative bureaucrats accountability.

Sexuality is one of the most fundamental values of life as it affects our behaviors, thoughts and emotions. Young people are an especially essential group for promoting sexual health as it is during adolescents the base for our sexuality is created. The aim of this study was to examine Chinese male and female medical university student’s knowledge and ideas of sexual behavior at Chongqing Medical University in Chongqing, China. An explorative quantitative survey study was conducted at place in Chongqing. The survey study’s result showed that ideas of sexual behavior were seem to be permissive and love-based, and also bi- and homosexuality to be mainly acceptable. The Internet, books and friends were seemed as important sources for knowledge whereas few believed to have received adequate knowledge from school. It was also seemed to be a major lack of knowledge regarding STD’s and how to protect yourself as “safe periods” was believed to be an important contraceptive method. The relationship between contraception and the protection against STD seems to be obscure. / 性行为是生活中最基本最重要的要素之一，它影响着我们的行为，思想及情感。年轻人是一个特别有必要促进健康性行为的群体。这项研究的目的是为了检测中国的重庆医科大学的男性，女性大学生对于性行为相关知识的认识及看法。于是在重庆进行了这项探索性的定量的调查研究。这项调查研究的结果表明被调查群体的性行为看似是以爱和自由为基础的，当然双性恋及同性恋也是被广泛接受的。性相关知识的大多数来源于网络，书籍以及朋友，而不是来自于学校。被调查的样本中大多数样本提示他们缺少对性病的认识，以及认识到在安全期保护自己是一项非常重要的避孕手段。所以他们对避孕以及保护自己远离性病之间的关系看起来是比较模糊的。 / Sexualitet utgör en av de mest grundläggande värden i livet då de påverkar såväl våra beteenden, tankar som känslor. Unga utgör en viktig grupp för främjande av sexuell hälsa då det är under denna tid grunden för vår sexualitet skapas. Studiens syftade till att undersöka manliga och kvinnliga kinesiska medicinstudenters kunskap och idéer om sexuellt beteende vid Chongqing Medical University i Chongqing, Kina. En explorativ enkätstudie genomfördes på plats i Chongqing. Studien visade på att idéer om sexuellt beteende verkar vara tillåtande och kärleksbaserande, med en övervägande acceptans för bi- och homosexualitet. Internet, böcker och vänner verkade utgöra viktiga källor till kunskap gällande sex samt preventivmetoder då få ansåg sig ha fått tillräcklig kunskap från skolan. Det verkade även finnas en stor brist gällande STD kunskap och hur man skyddar sig då ”safe periods” ansågs vara en viktig preventivmetod. Relationen mellan preventivmedel och skydd mot STD’s verkar vara otydlig.

本文研究主題，係以歷史制度主義研究途徑來建構、實證和比較台灣與南韓政黨體系與民主鞏固的連結關係與影響程度。研究範圍設定在第三波民主化後的1986年至2012年。為達成預期研究目標，本文引用及修正Mainwaring建構的「政黨體系制度化」四種分析面向與Jones設計的附加測量指標，做為研究架構與比較工具，茲以比較兩國政黨體系制度化的高低程度，從而進行優劣排比，最後分析與評估對於兩國民主鞏固的影響程度及發展條件。 修正後的「政黨體系制度化」四個比較面向分別為：「政黨穩定性」、「政黨代表性」、「政黨正當性」及「政黨組織化」。透過四個比較面向進行實證測量和分析後，歸納後，得出以下幾項重要的研究發現：(一)台灣與南韓政黨體系制度化四個面向的表現各有優劣、互見利弊，但總體表現優於南韓，因此民主鞏固正面發展條件將比南韓更為有利。(二)台灣雖然政黨體系制度化總體表現略優於南韓，但兩國均未達成健全制度化政黨體系，故要有效提升民主鞏固的品質，仍有相當大的改善空間。(三)經過深入研究後，本文認為台灣及南韓政黨體系與民主鞏固存在因果關係，政黨體系制度化的程度也是影響民主鞏固發展的因素之一，但並非是影響民主鞏固因果關係的特定必然條件或單一直接因素。 經由上述三點研究發現，總結以下幾項研究建議：(一)政黨體系制度化的概念內涵分析面向與測量指標，在觀察、分析與比較新興民主國家政黨體系與民主鞏固的因果關係上，雖然有解釋效果與檢證作用，但運用或移植在台灣與南韓的配對比較案例上，受到區域差異化的影響，確定有部份的非相容性及侷限性，因此必須有所修正與調整。(二)要解決台灣及南韓政黨體系制度化不足或缺陷的問題，雖然考驗極大，問題甚多，但現階段建議可由制度面上進行政治改革，包括南韓總統任期可從現行的「五年單任制」修改為「四年兩任制」。台灣與南韓應儘速通過或修改「政黨法」，以健全政黨體系運作的規範。

台灣地區的民主化過程一直是中外學者注視的焦點。在長期實行民選地方政府或地方自治的台灣，真正是一個民主的社會嗎？在解嚴、動戡時期終止前，很容易回答，由於沒有組黨自由，中央民代選舉只是部分的增額改選，台灣的全國政治並不能達到民主社會的基本標準。但是，地方選舉則是長期地、完整地在舉行，要回答台灣地方是否民主，仍很難輕易地給予答案。地方民主是如此複雜、多樣化的面貌，如何才算達成地方民主？本論文基本上是以Leach和Percy-Smith所提出的地方民主的四個面向為標準，此即：1、課責性；2、回應性；3、參與性；4、代表性；進而探討。 筆者研究後發現：第一，從台北市的民主經驗來看，代表性應該不是問題的癥結；所謂的代表性是否意味著該和R. A. Dahl所言的，和社會人口或職業的結構相符合？在地方民主上來看，由於社會的多元化，以及要求民意代表的專業及高學歷背景，代表社會結構的多元民主（polyarchy）是否值得再強調？可以深思。第二，從台北市的民主經驗來看，參與性應該是地方民主很重要的一項指標。如何讓民眾更直接的參與到民主政治中，除了選舉之外，應該有更多的、直接的交換意見的平台或管道，例如公民投票、公民論壇、協調會等等。第三，地方民主的參與和地方政府的回應性夾雜在一塊，民眾參與到政策討論的領域中，政府也加入予以回應。所以，地方民主中，回應性與參與性似乎呈現某種程度的關聯性。第四，不論是參與性、回應性等民主的程度，都與政府能力有關，似乎地方政府解決問題的能力越高，民眾就越會表現出對於地方政府做為的參與，以及政策的回應。