本研究主要在探討中國大陸「全球城市」建構的政治分析。在中國大陸，上海市是一個具有全球城市雛形的城市。然而，上海市卻直至1992年浦東計畫後才開始發展，那麼上海市如何在短時間內崛起，且具有全球城市雛形？政府的介入成為上海發展的關鍵點。因此，本研究立基於全球城市相關研究上，透過國家官僚為中心的「全球城市」建構模式，以政府介入上海城市發展為切入點，進一步分析中央政府與上海市地方政府的互動。最後以透過湯臣集團作一個案研究，將其背後政治的影響因素與實例相結合。

本文研究重點在中國全球城市建設的地方管理模式。上海不同於其他全球城市，深受黨國體制影響，發展出不同的管理模式。除了國家戰略支持之外，城市內部的政治運作與分工，亦有特殊之處。本論文焦點在於納入「區」級政府的分析單位，透過上海、浦東政府的雙向互動，分析地方兩級政府的權變關係，以期完善理解城市發展路徑。 在上海強調服務經濟、試點創新、提升城市競爭力的目標之下，說明浦東區政府的體制、權力配置、空間與功能的佈局、與上海之間的利益分配與政策互動，以及有限的自主性。更重要的是探討浦東的策略選擇，如何謹慎處理與上海的關係，以及保持與中央的距離。最後，以上海發展國際金融中心、航運中心為例，探究中央、上海市政府介入的重要性，亦說明浦東區政府發揮的影響力。

在全球化的浪潮之下，政治學的關注焦點逐漸從中央轉向地方。其中一個重要的領域即為政治經濟學框架下的全球城市研究。大型的全球城市政府如何具體呼應權力移轉的論述？以全球城市所組成的全球城市體系中，各種不同的城市功能，如吸引外資與提升軟實力文化可否兼顧？都是值得深究的議題。於此同時，文化創意產業的興起，廣受全球各大城市關注。在產業呈現上，文創產業以群聚的樣貌，出現在許多城市之中。此一熱潮的出現很快就帶動了相關研究。因著可觀察的群聚現象，群聚理論一時之間成了研究文創產業的顯學。在政策面上，群聚理論認為，輔助型與刺激型兩種政策能對產業群聚有所助益。然而文創群聚後續普遍所面臨的衰退現象，使其遠離群聚理論中的理想群聚，理論的政策觀點也無法對此提出解釋。本文重新導入全球城市研究的觀點，以中國的指標性全球城市–上海為例，從城市政府的能動性檢視其對文創群聚所造成的影響。政府透過設立文創群聚來提升地租，從中達成吸引資本與擴充財政收入的目標。文創產業雖能拉抬地租，但地租的拉抬最後卻也使其被商業活動取代而失去生存空間。儘管此動態過程所造成的結果在許多研究中受到惡評，但本文也發現，以確保產業自主為前提下，與商業活動的適度聯繫，能夠促使文創群聚運作活躍，更趨近於群聚理論所描述的群聚。而本文最後的研究成果，也正得以回應權力如何具體移轉以及不同的全球城市功能可否兼顧兩大疑問。 / The focus of political science has shifted gradually from central government to local government since the wave of globalization. One of the important fields in political science is global city research, which is under the framework of political economy. How do global cities respond to the transition of political power? Can a global city, which is situated in the global city system, maintain more than one global city functions, such as attracting foreign investment and developing soft power like culture? Both questions are issues worth analyzing. Meanwhile, the trend of cultural creative industry draw many cities’ attention. Most of the cultural creative industries are clustered in the city. Such prosperity soon led to increasing researches. Cluster theory became the main research approach due to the appearance of clusters. On the policy side, cluster theory points out that both helping policy and stimulating policy are beneficial to industrial clusters. However, the reality reveals that many cultural creative clusters face difficulties and decline, which cannot be explained by cluster theory. This thesis takes Shanghai, a significant global city in China as example to analyze city government’s autonomy and its’ impact on cultural creative clusters through global city approach. In this case, city government improves the land rent by setting cultural creative clusters. The movement helps government gain plentiful fiscal profit. However, after the land rent has been improved, cultural creative industries will be replaced by commercial activities and lose their living place during rent improving period. Such result was criticized in many previous researches. Nevertheless, in the precondition of industry autonomy, the Shanghai case finds out that appropriate connections with commercial activities foster the mechanism of cultural creative cluster, which is close to cluster theory. The final result of this thesis responds exactly to the two questions about power transition and global city function.

在全球化的影響下，全球各地人才、物質、資金、資訊呈現高度流通的狀況，全球許多著名城市，便成為此一流動的匯聚之處，並具有影響全球資源流通的能力，亦即所謂的「全球城市」。其為「全球城市」，除了本身的發展規模外，更強調其在全球化時代，具有與其他城市的高度關連性，同時，亦具有影響全球政治、經濟的能力。 在此前提下，改革開放後，積極融入全球經濟體系的中國大陸，也著重於城市的發展建設，特別是經濟發展著有成效的上海市，更成為中國積極建構「全球城市」的標的，這樣的雄心企圖，具體體現在前上海市長陳良宇的眾多談話中。 有鑑於此，本論文即對於上海市積極建構「全球城市」的目標、過程、結果進行分析探討。全論文共分七章，除緒論外，分別探討「全球城市」的理論系譜與其在中國大陸的運用，其次，討論上海市在人口與空間佈局方面的政策與結果，再接著討論中央為了建構上海市，所提出的四大中心---經濟、金融、貿易、航運，其建設過程以及面臨的困境。於此之後，開始分析上海市與其他城市的關連性，分別就上海與長三角的其他十五個城市的關係、上海吸引跨國公司的博奕關係進行探討，並採取內容分析法，藉由上海文匯報、經濟學人、新聞週刊等傳播媒體，檢視上海與其他國內外重要城市的關連性。再者，則將重點分析討論，上海市在城市建構背後的主要動力，即「上海市政府」，其為了進行城市建設並積極融入全球化，所進行的「城市治理」。最後則是提出結論與討論。 藉由上述的分析，本研究指出，儘管上海市政府在建構「全球城市」的過程時，具有「政府主導型的互動建構」模式，積極規劃上海市的建設發展，但是由於中央政府的影響、與周邊城市的關係，使得上海在發展上，仍未能稱為「全球城市」，僅能達到「全球化城市」的階段。另外，也必須反思，上海市的發展也許未必適合套用西方的發展模式，而是具有其獨特的發展軌跡。 / Under the effects of globalization, the flows of people, material, finance, and information transit very fast, and a few famous cities with the power of affecting the flows become the places of gathering, namely Global Cities. So call depends not only on its scale , but the power of its connection with other cities as well. Considering this, China begin to emphasize its city development after its reform and open policy, and especially focuses on Shanghai to be a global city, and such ambition can often be seen from the several speeches of its former mayor Chen Lian Ju. According this background, the dissertation tries to research the construction process of Shanghai being a global city. It includes seven chapters, besides the introduction, it traces the development of the theory of global city, and then discusses the policies of Shanghai’s people and space arrangement. Ensuing we discuss its Four Centers—economic, financial, trade and shipping, their developments and difficulties. After these, we begin to discuss its connection respectively with Yangtze River Delta cities and foreign cities by adopting content analysis method to examine Shanghai Wenhui Newspaper, Economist, and Newsweek. And then we discuss Shanghai Government including its transformation and its urban governance. Finally it’s the conclusion. By this analysis and discuss, the dissertation points out the fact that spite of its striving construction, Shanghai with the trait of “Interactive construction mode by its government leading ”, it at most can only be called a “globalizing city”, not a “global city”. At the same time , it also reflects that adopting western theory to Shanghai may not be a good way , for Shanghai can be a global city by its own way.

二次大戰之後，東亞國家經濟快速發展，促使一些具策略位置的城市搖身一變成為重要的世界/全球城市，其中新加坡、香港、上海、台北及首爾等五個由南至北位居東亞重要位置的世界/全球城市，更進而積極鞏固或致力發展「區域金融中心」角色，由於這五個城市所擁有的優劣勢及利基未盡相同，以至於未來的發展態勢並不明朗。另方面「區域金融中心」的研究範疇是跨越了「城市和區域經濟」的空間領域與「貨幣和金融經濟」的金融領域，因此為了解新加坡、香港、上海、台北及首爾等五城市發展「區域金融中心」各自在空間與金融領域分別擁有的優劣勢及利基，本論文除蒐集空間及金融領域在資金流動、金融市場發展情形、金融業生產力及法制環境等方面的次級資料予以評比外，並透過專家學者深度訪談所提具對五城市優劣勢及利基的評比意見，進行內容分析。 研究發現空間及金融領域都強調「政府因素」以及政治穩定的重要，也一致認為「金融中心」必須要有「經濟力量」的支撐；不過空間領域認為世界/全球城市可由「政府力量」促成，而金融領域則認為「金融中心」係由「市場力量」所形塑，但是為使「市場力量」發揮運作機制，政府扮演最重要的角色。此外，受訪專家學者認為「金融中心」的評比指標，雖然有自由化、國際化程度、人才素質、基礎建設及金融市場效率等，但「政府因素」最具影響。最後，受訪專家學者一致認同香港發展「區域金融中心」最具優勢，新加坡次之；大體上同意台北第三，上海第三或第四，首爾居末。其中，最具爭議的台北及上海，都是由於「政府因素」而導致未來發展不明。此外，研究也發現五城市在發展「區域金融中心」的過程，由於各具不同優勢與利基，遂呈現不同的功能與特徵。 / Since the economy in East Asia has been flourishing remarkably after the World War II, few major cities in this region have undoubtedly become international and grow rapidly in the last few decades. Singapore, Hong Kong, Taipei, Shanghai and Seoul are the five leading cities in East Asia, located from south to north, in respect of their financial importance. Moreover, people in these cities eager to improve them to take the place as the leading regional financial center. It is but hard to estimate and compare each of them with the other, for each has both its advantages and disadvantages. In fact, the study on the concrete shape and future of the expected regional financial center must take into account not only the spatial field survey of city and local economy, but also that of the financial field concerning monetary and finance economy. That is, to bridge over the research of spatial and financial field as well as to understand the relative competitiveness among these cities to develop regional financial centers. In this regard, the study gathers information about the foreign direct investment of capital flows, the scope of financial market, the productivity of financial service industry as well as legal and regulatory environments in these cities on the one hand, and interview many experts to have their opinions on the issue on the other hand. The result of the study indicates that both the spatial and financial field survey emphasize the importance of governmental support and political stability, and prove consistency in the opinion about the supportive role of economic power in each financial center. However, the spatial field survey considers government-drive as the most relevant element of developing a global city as the regional financial centre, while that from financial field inclines to support market-drive as the key element and persuade government to keep the free-market policy. According to the analysis of expert interviews, there are many determinant elements for developing a regional financial centre, including financial liberalization, internationalization and human capital, fundamental infrastructure, efficiency of financial market and so on. They also indicate that local government plays a critical but most influential role. Meanwhile, all experts regard Hong Kong as the top one among these local financial centers, Singapore as the second, and most experts consider Taipei as the third and Shanghai as the third or the forth, while they all take Seoul as the last. Expert opinions about Taipei and Shanghai are ambiguous, so far as local governments in the two cities play the key role but fail to provide certainty in the future. Finally, it is without doubt that the five cities have their advantages and disadvantages to fulfill different functions.