台灣是一個多個族群融合的社會，同時也匯集多種語言，除了被稱為國語的北京話之外，還有台語、客語、原住民語等，這些語言相互影響之下，必定對語言本身產生了變化。 本論文主要針對台灣華語中的「有字句」句法結構進行探討，根據在台灣所收集的實際語料，歸納出該句式的語義特徵以及句法搭配方式。截至目前為止，研究「有」的學者相當多，但各有各的分析，本論文以時間系統的角度來看「有字句」，針對「有字句」與其後的動詞搭配後的語義互動及限制來做討論，最後也從「有字句」以及時體動詞搭配的現象來進行分析。 據本論文的分析來看，「有字句」與其後動詞本身所帶有的時間概念有關係，「有字句」不僅能與帶有「+終止」義的動詞配合，同時還能與持有「+持續」義的動詞（包含狀態動詞）一起搭配，這同時也推翻了「有字句」其實等同於「了」的看法。 另外，台灣華語中「有字句」也能與「了」、「過」、「在」一起使用，這樣的句式代表的語義也在我們的討論之中。 隨著台灣華語使用的程度加深加廣，或多或少都不能避免使用這些句式，本論文將台灣華語中常見的「有字句」結構列入討論，希望為正在變化中的語言提供一個思考、討論的方向，並期待能將「有字句」的語法、語義結構研究的更為透徹、詳細。

語氣詞在華語母語者的對話當中，扮演了重要的角色。而語言因為時間和空間的遷移，也會產生不同的變化。因此本文針對兩個華語使用區域─台灣和馬來西亞的華語語氣詞使用異同。 本文採用情境構擬的方式對30位受試者採集貼近真實的語料。情境構擬實驗以齊滬揚(2002)提出的六大語氣分類為本，加上感嘆、或然及提醒類的情境，設計出九種類型語氣的題目進行實驗。本文更依據情境構擬語料結果中找出台灣地區常用的六種語氣詞，與中央平衡語料庫的語料進行對比，進一步確認語氣詞功能是否一致。 台馬兩地常用的語氣詞，其中相同的語氣詞有：「啊、吧、嗎、了、誒」，台灣獨有的「哦」及馬來西亞常用的「咧」。其中，「了」雖然兩地皆用，但發音不同，台灣發為「lɤ2」，而馬來西亞發為「liau3」。本文找出的常用語氣詞和過去學者統整的有相同和相異之處，判斷原因有三個：一、資料來源不同；二、語言變化(時間和空間的影響)；三、區域性差異。 / Modal particles are very important in Mandarin Chinese. By just adding one modal particle to a sentence, speakers are able to express their various feelings, moods or attitude. Language always changes because of differences in time and space. This study focuses on two areas of Mandarin usage, Taiwan and Malaysia, to discover the differences in use of modal particles between them. In this study, we attained authentic materials by situational conversations with 30 subjects. The situational conversation based on Qi (2002) mentions 6 kinds of traditional modals plus 3 types (sigh, contingent and reminder) which are used to design a modal particle experiment. This study not only focuses on authentic materials, but also uses Sinica Corpus to verify the functions of the modal particles. The common modal particles used in Taiwan and Malaysia are “a, ba, lɤ, e”. One that is only used in Taiwan is “O”, and in Malaysia is “le”. Although these two countries actually use “le”, the pronunciation is different.

本篇論文檢視台灣華語為母語之正常幼童以及構音異常幼童之滑音[j],[w], [ɥ]發展與產製表現，採長期觀察之方式，詳細描述正常幼兒滑音產製之出現及穩定年齡、頻率、正確率和發展順序，並且比較此三滑音於各音節位置之產製表現，進而比較兩組幼童之台灣華語滑音產製及音韻歷程之使用行為。本研究以標記理論及位置層級理論來檢驗幼兒滑音之發展與表現。 本研究總共觀察了四位幼童，將其分為兩組，第一組為兩位正常幼童，年齡在九個月至二十八個月和十個月至二十九個月，為期十九個月的觀察，另一組為兩位構音異常幼童，年齡在三歲十個月至四歲三個月和四歲三個月至四歲九個月，為期六個月的觀察。每兩週收錄一次長達一小時之語料，並利用錄製之高規格影音檔做譯寫及分析。 研究結果顯示，正常幼兒之滑音出現順序和穩定順序皆符合標記理論之預測，無標音早於有標音，其滑音產製之穩定度與音節位置相關，音節首位之滑音表現較音節中與音節末之滑音表現來的穩定，這與位置層級理論之推測相符合。構音異常幼童組中發現了有別於正常幼童之特殊取代模式，由較晚習得語音取代較早習得語音，其所產製的語音中會違反華語的音法限制。音韻歷程之表現在兩組幼童中皆偵測到刪除、換位、取代三種模式，其中皆以刪除為主要策略。 / The purpose of the present study is to report the developmental process of three Mandarin glides [w, j, ɥ] in terms of three word positions by examining the age of emergence and stabilization, the order of stabilization, and accuracy rate of thechildren’s production, and further compare the normative data with phonological disorder data in order to explore the possible phonological processes. This study alsoaccounts for the developmental process of glides on the basis of markedness theory and positional prominence hierarchy. A longitudinal study was carried out for the investigation of two normally-developing children, aged between 0;9-2;4 and 0;10-2;4, and two phonologically-disordered children, one of whom is between 4;3 and 4;9, and the other between 3;10 and 4;3. The data were collected at two-week intervals. The results showed that the order of glide emergence and stabilization of the normally-developing group is in accordance with the markedness theory. The unmarked [j], [w] precede marked [ɥ]. Moreover, the stabilization order of the three glides in terms of the three syllable positions was found to reflect the interaction between markedness constraint and positional prominence hierarchy. The unmarked glide in the initial position is the first to stabilize and the marked glide in the non-initial position is the last to stabilize. On the other hand, the children in the phonologically-disordered group were found to consistently replace the presumably earlier-developing glide with a presumably later-developing one, which differs from the process used in the normally-developing group. Furthermore, this group of children produced the combination that violates the phonotactic constraints of Taiwan Mandarin. In addition, there are three phonological processes, including deletion, metathesis, and substitution detected in children’s data. The most commonly used process is deletion in both groups of children.

華語三聲變調的運作範疇(domain)一直以來皆是漢語音韻學家激烈探討的主題，不同研究對於運作範疇的定義皆不同，而過去研究也留下了一些尚待解決的問題，例如分類詞(Classifier)以及介係詞(Preposition)如何與其他音節形成三聲變調的運作範疇。本篇論文藉由觀察語料庫中324句最短為6音節，最長為24音節且由數個三聲音節所組成的中文句子，來檢視台灣華語三聲變調若以Nespor & Vogel (1986)所提出之韻律階層(Prosodic hierarchy)為範疇來運作是否能得出自然且多樣的聲調組合。以下分析主要根據韻律階層的順序分成以下四部分：音韻詞(Phonological word)、附著詞組(Clitic group)、音韻詞組(Phonological phrase)、語調詞組(Intonational phrase)。而作者假設三聲變調有兩種運作方式，一種為循環(Cyclic)，一種為同時(Simultaneous)。循環運作時，三聲變調可先以音韻詞邊界為範疇，再以附著詞組邊界為範疇，再以音韻詞組邊界為範疇，最後再以語調詞組邊界為範疇。同時運作時，三聲變調則只以語調詞組邊界為範疇。語料庫分析結果顯示，中心語(Head)之非遞歸邊(Nonrecursive side)的分支性(Branchingness)需被納入音韻詞組的定義中以得出正確的聲調組合。再者，語調詞組的定義也需將語意(Semantic)以及韻律(Metric)的因素納入考量，以限制語調詞組邊界的形成。經過修正，韻律階層理論不僅能成功描述分類詞以及介係詞之三聲變調現象更可預測華語三聲變調的多樣性。 / Mandarin tone sandhi has been argued by different scholars to apply to different phonological domains such as the foot, the phonological phrase etc. This thesis tackles three main issues left by Shih (1986) and Hsiao (1991): the classifier, the preposition and the under-generation problem. In revising the framework of Nespor & Vogel (1986)’s Prosodic Hierarchy, this thesis proposes a possible explanation of the problems. This thesis constructed a corpus of 324 sentence tokens consisting of 6 to 24 third tone syllables. The tokens were recorded from four Taiwan Mandarin native speakers at a speech rate of at least 200 beats per minute. Through the observation of the tone patterns collected, it is found that the original definitions of the phonological phrase and the intonational phrase given by Nespor & Vogel (1986) are not able to describe the Taiwan Mandarin data. This thesis provides a revision of the prosodic hierarchy by taking into account the branchingness of the nonrecursive side on the phonological phrase level and by incorporating Selkirk (1984)’s Sense Unit Condition on the intonational phrase level. Finally, a foot formation condition is also proposed in order to restrict the minimal length of a phonological phrase or an intonational phrase.

華語由中國大陸引入台灣數十年後，因為政治上的阻隔、語言接觸的影響和語言實踐的結果，已經產生了顯著的變化。在發音、詞彙和語法等各個層面上，無論和引入台灣之前於中國大陸訂定的「標準國語」或是中國現行的「普通話」相比，都具有明顯的差異，語言學界將目前台灣通行的華語稱為「台灣華語」（Taiwan Mandarin） 「台灣華語」這一華語的變體是絕大多數台灣人日常生活時所採用的語言，作為華語中獨立的分支也是語言學界公認的事實，然而台灣的華語教學界鮮少將「台灣華語」的發音視為學習標的。華語教師教學時所使用的語言和台灣人民日常使用的語言存在顯著斷裂。 本研究檢視華語從一方之言到演變到「國語」的建構歷程以及華語在台灣的發展史，發現華語在台灣的發展和民族主義與國族認同的建構具有密切的關連。在回顧相關文獻與制度規章並佐以與現任華語教師的訪談結果後，發現台灣的對外華語教學界也普遍受到這種影響。教學的內容除了語言教學的專業考量外，尙存在著以往以獨尊華語、壓迫台灣其它語言的觀念及做法，認為「台灣華語」乃受「方言」污染而不純淨的語言，並以「華語」發源地的北京口音為嚮往對象。 最後，本研究從大眾傳媒的角度切入，探討「台灣華語」的最大公約數。認為「台灣華語」中許多成份已趨穩固，為絕大多數的台灣人所接受，也對全世界的華語人口具有相當的影響力。「台灣華語」的發音和繁體字、台灣式的辭彙與注音符號一樣應可視為「台灣華語」的重要成份，而能夠進入教學殿堂，作為外籍學生學習的對象。 / This study discusses the role of 'Taiwan Mandarin' in the field of teaching Mandarin as a second language. Results of the study indicate that Taiwan Mandarin is commonly disregarded, due to its association with other Taiwanese languages and the method in which it was introduced to the Taiwanese community. Decades after its introduction to Taiwan, Mandarin has evolved as a result of political and geographical separation from its origin in China, language contact, and local usage. This new variant, known as ‘Taiwan Mandarin’, has marked differences in terms of phonology, lexicon and syntax, and is viewed as a independent variant, different from ‘Guoyu’ or 'Putonghua' by many linguists. Although Taiwan Mandarin is, in practice, the most commonly used language by the Taiwanese people, it has been rejected by many language teachers and those who compile teaching materials for foreign learners. Language teachers are expected to teach an accent that is different from that of most Taiwan Mandarin speakers. This study investigates the standardization of modern Mandarin, and how it has developed in Taiwan. It shows that the enforcement of Chinese nationalism and identity is closely related to the popularaization of Mandarin in Taiwan. After reviewing related studies, regulation of teaching proficiency tests, and interviewing language teachers, it has been demonstrated that Chinese nationalism has also influenced the teaching of Mandarin as a second language in Taiwan. Taiwanese Mandarin phonology is commonly associated with the result contaminated by other Taiwanese languages such as Holo and Hakka by language teachers, and hence only the Beijing dialect is considered standard and desirable. Based on the findings of previous studies and interviews, this study suggests that the commonly accepted Taiwan Mandarin phonology can be gained through the language used in Taiwanese media, due to its steadiness and popular standing amongst Mandarin speakers world wide. Its unique phonology should be considered an important feature of Taiwan Mandarin, along with traditional characters, Taiwanese lexicon and phonetic symbols (注音符號), and it should be accepted in teaching methodology.

自Greenberg (1972) 以來，陸續有學者探討世界語言中的複數標記和分類詞之間的關係，並指出兩者的相似之處(Greenberg, 1972; Sanches and Slobin, 1973; Borer, 2005; Her, 2012)。本文稱這些研究為CL-PM Convergence View。這些研究指出分類詞 (numeral classifier; CL) 與複數標記 (plural marker; PM)呈現互補分布的關係。學者們 (Borer, 2005; Her, 2012) 更進一步認為，分類詞與複數標記在同一名詞組裡呈現互補分布，表示兩者在句法結構上佔據相同的位置，應視為相同的成分。然而本文發現，台灣華語「Num+CL+N們」結構有一定的能產性。若將「們」視為複數標記，則台灣華語對於上述學者的理論就形成了反例。有鑑於此，本文目的在於以句法接受度實驗及語料庫兩項方法，重新檢視台灣華語「們」的各種用法，以期解決文獻上對於「們」的諸多爭議。接著，在建立語言事實後，本文探討「們」對於CL-PM Convergence View的意義，並對於台灣華語「們」與分類詞在歷時和共時上的互動作出新的解釋。 具體來說，本文釐清了下列六項事實，為文獻上的爭議提供新的證據: (一)「們」可用於非指人的名詞；(二)「N們」為定指；(三)「Proper N們」僅表示 ‘多位Proper N’；(四)「¬1群N們」合法；(五)「Num+CL+N們」合法；(六) 在有接受英語教育的前提下，母語者的英語程度越低，對於「Num+CL+N們」的接受度越高，也越容易受到英語句法結構的促發(priming)，表示「Num+CL+N們」的產生與和英語的接觸有密切關係。考慮這些事實及其他台灣華語沒有爭議的特性，本文認為台灣華語「們」應視為一個集合標記(collective plural marker)，而非文獻所說的伴同標記(associative plural, Iljic, 2001,2005; 陳俊光，2009)或是普通複數標記(additive plural, Li, 1999; Hunag et al, 2009)。最後，本文提出兩個論點: 第一，我們根據Her et al (to appear)的洞見，區分「語意複數」(semantic plural)及「語法複數」(grammatical plural)；第二，我們提出新的事實，論證「們」在句法上，台灣華語「們」是一個附綴(clitic)而非詞綴(suffix)。這兩項論點證明台灣華語「們」並不違反CL-PM Convergence View的預測，亦可以解釋「們」與分類詞在歷時(李豔惠、石毓智，2000)和共時上的互動。 / Since Greenberg (1972), there have been many studies addressing the issue of the relationship between numeral classifiers (CL) and plural markers (PM) (Greenberg, 1972; Sanches and Slobin, 1973; Borer, 2005; Her, 2012). These scholars (henceforth CL-PM Convergence View) discovered that CL and PM tend not to co-occur in the same language, and even if they do co-occur, they are complementarily distributed within NP. Some linguists (Borer, 2005; Her, 2012) take this generalization further to propose that CL and PM in fact belong to the same category. However, when we look at Taiwan Mandarin (TM) data, a potential counterevidence can be found: [Num+CL+N-men], in which CL and –men, generally taken to be a plural suffix, co-occur within the same NP. In light of this, this study aims to take a realist look at TM –men, collecting relevant data from grammaticality judgment task and corpora so as to capture the behavior of –men. We then test CL-PM Convergence View against empirical data obtained in the study, showing that [Num+CL+N-men] does not constitute a counterexample to CL-PM Convergence View. The apparent interaction between CL and –men in TM can also be accounted for under our analysis of –men. Specifically, this study establishes the following facts for TM –men: (1) the use of –men is not restricted to human Ns; (2) N-men must be definite; (3) Proper N denotes ‘more than one Proper N’; (4) [¬1 qun N-men] is grammatical; (5) [Num+CL+N-men] is grammatical; (6) native speakers’ acceptability of [Num+CL+N-men] is in negative correlation with their English proficiency, and priming effects of English structure [Num+N-s] are observed on speakers with low English proficiency. Taking these findings into account, this study proposes that TM –men should be best analyzed as a collective plural marker, contra Iljic, (2001,2005) and 陳俊光’s (2009) “associative” analysis on the one hand, and Li (1999) and Hunag et al’s (2009) “additive” analysis on the other. Accordingly, we argue that –men as a collective does not constitute a counterexample to CL-PM Convergence View, citing two further pieces of evidence: Her et al’s (to appear) insight that “semantic plural” and “grammatical plural” should be distinguished and the proposal made there to revise CL-PM Convergence View, and the “clitic” analysis of TM –men proposed in this study. Finally, we show that the distinction between “semantic plural” and “grammatical plural” also nicely explains the synchronic and diachronic interaction between CL and –men in TM.

本論文為以共振峰頻率資料來研究台灣華語母音音質之聲學研究。 本研究的受試者為六名生長在台灣台北市的男性華語母語使用者。本研究使用的測試字為70個包含所有韻母型態的單音節字。語音資料是利用KAY CSL 4100 (KAY Electronics)來錄製及分析。本研究所採用的資料為獨立發音且無聲母的測試字。 根據共振峰頻率資料本研究得到以下有關台灣華語母音音質的發現。首先研究的部分為音標所隱含的語音對比。在齒槽（alveolar）及後齒槽（post-alveolar）組的舌尖母音（apical vowels）間並沒有發現音質上的顯著差別，但統計及其它證據支持低母音裡的前後對比及中母音裡的半開（open-mid）及半閉（closed-mid）對比的存在。 其次，研究的結果也包括語音環境中的音段對於母音音質的影響。結果發現韻母中的元素，包含母音前介音、母音後介音、及韻尾鼻音，都對母音有不同的語音制約（conditioning）。另外，本研究發現順同化（progressive assimilation）比逆同化（regressive assimilation）對於低母音音質有較大的影響。 第三，本研究藉由與之前聲學研究的結果作比較來討論台灣母音音質的改變。結果發現硬顎及後硬顎組的舌尖母音間的音質差異隨著時間縮小終至於消失。此外，研究發現半閉母音及半開母音在母音高度及母音前後相對位置出現反轉。共振峰頻率的比較顯示這種反轉的原因為半閉母音[e]在音質上的改變。然而，我們需要進一步的研究才能對這些音質的改變有合理的解釋。 最後，本研究以共振峰頻率的形式描述及紀錄了當代台灣華語表層母音的音質。希望這些資料能對台灣華語母音的研究有所貢獻。 / This thesis is an acoustic study that investigates the vowel quality of Taiwan Mandarin vowels with formant frequency data. The subjects of this study included six male native Mandarin speakers born and raised in Taipei city, Taiwan. Testing items used in this study were 70 syllables that involve all combinations of segment in the syllable final. The speech data were recorded and analyzed with KAY CSL 4100 (KAY Electronics). The data discussed in this study were testing items produced in citation form without initial consonant. The vowel qualities of Taiwan Mandarin surface vowel were measured and analyzed. Several results concerning the vowel quality of Taiwan Mandarin surface vowel phones were reported based on the formant frequency data. Firstly, the distinction between vowel phones implied by their transcription was examined. The difference in vowel quality was not observed in the alveolar and post-alveolar groups of apical vowels, while the front-back distinction in low vowels and the open-mid and closed-mid distinction in mid vowels were found with statistic and other evidence. Secondly, the conditioning of segments in the neighboring environments on the vowel quality was investigated. It is found that elements in the syllable final, including pre-nuclear, post-nuclear glide and coda nasals, generally have different types of conditioning on the vowel. In addition, the progressive assimilation was found have greater influence on the vowel quality of low vowel phones than the regressive assimilation. Thirdly, the change in vowel quality was discussed through the comparison with results in previous acoustic studies. The difference in vowel backness between the alveolar and post-alveolar groups of apical vowels were found to be decreasing and eventually disappeared. Besides, the relative vowel height and backness of closed-mid and open-mid vowel were found to be in reverse compared with that in the literature. Comparison in formant frequencies showed that this reverse lay in the change of vowel quality in the close-mid [e]. However, further investigations were needed to offer reasonable explanations for the change. Finally, the vowel qualities of present Taiwan Mandarin surface vowel phones were described and recorded as the formant frequency data presented in this study. Hopefully, the data could contribute to the study of vowels in Taiwan Mandarin.

本篇論文是針對六位以台灣華語為母語的嬰幼兒，採長期觀察的方式，研究 台灣華語字彙產製的音韻變化性(phonological variability)，並詳細描述單音節詞和雙音節詞之中音節類型出現的頻率、變化性、以及代換模式。本研究同時要用Jakoson (1968)的音節標記理論來檢驗各種音節類型中的共通性。 本研究一共觀察了有六位年齡在十一個月至兩歲的嬰幼兒長達一年。以兩個 禮拜一次的頻率收集嬰幼兒和母親之間的自然對話，並利用錄製回來的影音檔做 譯寫和分析。 結果顯示小朋友的音韻變化是很常見的，且是有規則可循的。小朋友的音韻變異量的高峰(variability peak)會出現在當小朋友的音韻發展從一個階段進展到另一個階段的時候，而本篇論文顯示與當小朋友由單字期(one-word stage)進展到雙字期(two-word stage)以及字彙量有大幅上升的時期符合。華語音節習得的部分，結果顯示CV 是頻率最高、變化性最低，且最常被拿來替換的音節類型。CVG 也是頻率高的音節類型之一，但他的變化性也很高，主要是因為韻尾省略 (coda-dropping)的現象在小朋友的早期發展很常見的關係，所以CVG 雖然頻率高但是變化性也很高而且是最常被取代的音節類型之一。 最後，將所有的結果拿來檢驗Jakoson (1968)的音節標記理論，結果發現頻 率高以及變化性低的音節類型都是無標記(unmarked)的音節類型，相反的頻率低 以及變化性高的音節類型則都是有標記的(marked)音節類型，此外小朋友會用無 標記的音節類型來取代有標記的音節類型。 / The purpose of this study is to discuss the issue concerning phonological variability of children acquiring Taiwan Mandarin. Two aspects are including in the following: the phonological variability of words and the syllable types composed the words. The overall variability pattern, the frequency, variability rate, and substitution pattern of syllable type were analyzed. Six participants are investigated in the study, aged between 0;11 to 2;0. A longitudinal observation study is conducted by the author and the research team. The results showed that phonological variability is common in early phonological development. The increase in variability reflects the reorganization of phonological system, where children started to produce two-word utterances and the amount of different words was increased. As for the syllable type analysis, CV presented the highest in frequency, the lowest in variability rate, and also was used to replace other syllable type more often. CVG was one of the most frequently used syllable type; however, the variability rate of CVG was also high. The reason may due to the fact coda-dropping is a very common phenomenon in children’s development. The results in this study were examined in the markedness theory of syllable proposed by Jakobson (1968). The results showed that syllable types with higher frequency and lower variability rates were unmarked syllable types, while syllable types with lower frequency and higher variability rates were marked syllable types. Furthermore, children tended to use a more unmarked syllable to replace a more marked syllable.