台灣新興的跨國婚姻熱潮使得由台灣男性與東南亞籍女性組成的新住民家庭漸多，新住民子女現今多就讀幼稚園與國小低年級，新住民子女教育的研究多為小學階段其學業成就等能力，研究取樣差異使結果大相逕庭，對新住民子女幼教老師本身的研究缺乏，故研究者將研究重點放在新住民子女幼教老師。本研究採質性研究法，探討兩位背景相當的幼教老師教學。目的在瞭解多元文化教學觀點有哪些、持不同教學觀點老師之教學困境、解決策略有何不同，並深入探討其觀點與困境、策略之間的關係。資料蒐集採深度訪談法，用三階段編碼分析資料，研究對象是從9位教師的訪談中分析出最符合同化觀點的小慧老師與涵化觀點的小芳老師。 研究結果如下：（1）透過文獻探討歸納出多元文化教育場域中有兩類教學觀點，一為同化觀點，一為涵化觀點，兩者分別對低社經地位與少數族群學生學習成就低落原因的解釋、文化有無優劣、文化融合有不同的主張。（2）兩位老師皆面臨的教學困境有語言、家庭、課程方面，小芳老師尚有幼兒方面的困境。新住民幼兒說話腔調使教師聽不懂，小慧老師致力矯正其口音與腔調、小芳老師則是課後請教家長；此乃因小慧老師持有同化教育中官方語言教育的觀點。（3）新住民子女的學習與行為較依賴老師，小慧老師認為新住民子女的學習較差乃因其本身文化不利、新住民沒有教育下一代的能力，所以請父親輔導其課後學習，而母親監督就好，不需參與輔導；小芳老師則肯定新住民的教育能力、並認為新住民子女行為問題是家庭文化與學校文化之間落差使然，故充分與家長溝通，調整母親工作時間使其有時間教育孩子。（4）小慧老師認為新住民文化是低落的，且不需要傳承、新住民沒有能力傳承其文化，故在課程中沒有東南亞文化教材，而在教授台灣文化教材時發生幼兒經驗不足無法團討的困難；小芳老師認為新住民有教育能力、並認為雙重文化是優勢，於是請新住民子女分享其回東南亞的經驗、設計相關文化主題活動。（5）小芳老師班級中的新住民子女感到自卑時，她會鼓勵其尊重母親原生文化以增加幼兒自信。最後建議教師應培養反思能力、建立多元文化教育觀點量表。 / The new immigrant families have increased with the surge of cross-cultural marriages between Taiwanese and Southeast Asian spouses, most of whose children study in kindergartens and elementary lower grades. Sampling may result in significantly distinct analyses on learning capabilities of those elementary children, and researches on their preschool teachers are relatively absent; therefore, the study focuses on preschool teachers and applies the qualitative research to 2 teachers of similar backgrounds in order to explore which perspectives in multicultural education field, explore the variations on teaching difficulties and resolving strategies of teachers with dissimilar education perspectives and to discover the relationship between both. The study includes in-depth interview for data collection and three-stage coding for data analysis, and selects Teacher Hue and Teacher Feng respectively matching assimilation and acculturation perspectives out of 9 interviewees as research targets. The study reveals the following findings: (1) assimilation and acculturation perspectives in multicultural education fields through documentation induction, stand different on reason explanations for lower social and economic positions and learning achievements of the minority students, cultural superior or inferior quality, and cultural integration, (2) two teachers have teaching difficulties in terms of language, family, and course, as well as kid issues only for Feng, and when getting confused of kid’s expressions, Hue with official language prospective in assimilation education is devoted to correcting assent and pronunciation while Feng consulting parents after school, (3) those students used to rely on teachers on learning and behavior, and Hue contributes inferior learning capability to disadvantaged culture background and education ability of new immigrants and suggests home learning assistance of father and supervision of mother instead of after school programs while Feng considers cultural gap between family and school resulting in their behavior issues and emphasizes communications with parents to enhance mother’s education, (4) education difficulties on their involving in discussion in grass-root course happen to Hue who believes no necessity for heritage of inferior Southeast Asian culture and absence of heritage potential of new immigrants, and thus ignores Southeast Asian culture in teaching materials while those children are welcome to share their alien experiences and design relevant cultural activities by Feng who accepts education capability of new immigrants and ensures advantages of dual culture, and (5) Feng encourages those children feeling inferior to respect mothers’ culture, enhancing their confidence. The study eventually suggests that teachers shall cultivate retrospective potentials and establish multicultural education perspective inventories.

本文旨在探討透過權力分享式民主與審議式民主的取徑，來緩解當前台灣民主困境的可行性。 首先，本文討論了當前台灣民主困境的成因，以及藍綠雙方的根本差異。同時指出，台灣當前的民主困境可被視為一種極度分裂社會的狀態來理解，並將台灣民主困境的關鍵難題，定位在認同差異與政治不信任。 其次，本文從既有的權力分享式民主的文獻中，梳理出有助於解決當前台灣民主困境的「規範性概念」與「經驗性證據」；做為權力分享式民主對當前台灣民主困境的回應。經過分析後發現，利用協合式民主去處理當前台灣民主困境，應是個值得嘗試的方向。若將協合式民主中菁英間的決策模式，改由審議取代議價，則此種修正型的協合式民主可為長期解決族群衝突提供更多的可能性。 繼之，本文從既有的審議式民主的文獻中，梳理出有助於解決當前台灣民主困境的「規範性理念」與「經驗性證據」，作為審議式民主對於當前台灣民主困境的回應。經過分析後發現，理論上，審議式民主的理想審議是可以解決當前台灣民主困境，只不過理想言說情境在現實生活中很難達成。但是這並不排除理想言說情境是可以近似達成的。不過文獻中迄今仍無經驗證據顯示，單獨利用審議式民主可以解決在極度分裂社會中的國家認同問題。為了讓對立雙方願意自由參加對話、願意相互尊重，以及願意理性溝通，必須提供誘因，而權力分享就是一種誘因。此外，為了判斷對話或審議環境是否接近理想言說情境，必須要有量化的測量工具，而話語品質指數(DQI)就是一種工具。因此，權力分享與DQI，就是強化審議式民主的兩種有效工具。 面對當前台灣民主困境，本文最後提出了一個結合協合式民主與審議式民主(即修正型的協合式民主)的現階段策略的建議。 / This thesis explores the feasibility of mitigating ethnic conflict of current Taiwan employing the methods of power-sharing democracy and deliberative democracy. First of all, the causes and the key difficult problems of democratic predicament, and the dispute in national identity between the pan-blue and pan-green camps, as those currently exist in Taiwan, are discussed in greater detail. The key difficult problems appear to be conflict in identities and political distrust. Next, based on the existing literature of power-sharing democracy, this thesis identifies the normative ideas and empirical evidences that are relevant to the settlement of democratic predicament of current Taiwan. After an in depth analysis, it concludes that the use of consociational approach to manage democratic predicament of current Taiwan should be the direction worth trying. The so-called modified consociational democracy, which is formed to meet the deliberative requirements of publicity and reciprocity, by replacing consociational decision making with deliberation, may provide more possibility for longer-term goal of ethnic conflict resolution. Likewise, based on the existing literature of deliberative democracy, this thesis identifies the normative ideas and empirical evidences that are relevant to the settlement of democratic predicament of current Taiwan. After an in depth analysis, it concludes that, theoretically, the use of ideal deliberation approach appears capable of dealing with the democratic predicament of current Taiwan. Although it is not possible to create Habermas’s ideal speech situation on a precise level, it is possible to achieve ISS approximately. However, there did not exist any empirical evidence in the literature to demonstrate that the application of deliberative democracy alone may provide conflict resolution of the national identity problem in deeply divided societies. In order to let both sides of the conflicting groups be willing to participate freely in the dialogue, be willing to respect one another, and be willing to communicate rationally, it is necessarily to provide both sides with power-sharing incentives tailored to make both sides feel absolutely secure. In addition, in order to evaluate how close the dialogue or deliberative approaches the conditions of ideal speech situation, it is necessarily to have a quantitative measuring instrument at our disposal and the discourse quality index (DQI) is such an instrument. Therefore, power-sharing and DQI tend to form two effective tools for strengthening the deliberative democracy. Finally, this thesis proposes the modified consociational democracy as the present stage strategy for the resolution of democratic predicament of current Taiwan.