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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
1

小泉構造改革-以郵政民營化為例證 / Analysis of Politics&Economy to Koizumi’s Structure Reform –Postal Privatization as an Example

李幸娟 Unknown Date (has links)
1990年代懷抱經常收支與財政雙赤字的美國對日本戰略要求日本政治經濟的安定,並於2000年10月發表了美國國防大學國家戰略研究所特別報告書”美國與日本-成熟的戰略夥伴關係”。對照報告書的建議可以發現幾乎是小泉構造改革的骨幹。 首先,小泉於選舉中誓言”打破自民黨的窠臼”而高票當選。主要是指對派閥的打破。小泉利用”經濟財政諮詢會議”為司令塔,統籌政策與法案的產出。並跳過一直以來須先經過派閥盤據的自民黨政調會的事前審查,也就迴避了派閥的勢力。然而由於支持”經濟財政諮詢會議”的內閣府成員多是各省廳官僚的外派者居多,因此,官僚的發言權便增強了,特別是有關於各省廳利害關係的提案時,常常被加以漠視。並且小泉的構造改革也常常遭遇官僚的陽奉陰違而改革不力。 至於小泉的郵政民營化改革,原意是將原來大部分用來購買國債而流向如特殊法人機構等公部門的郵政資金,藉由郵儲銀行與簡保人壽保險公司的股票上市轉而將資金流向民間部門,以促進經濟的活絡。不過,郵政民營化的過程卻遭遇派閥頑強地抵抗,小泉最後妥協,才使得郵政民營化法案在眾議院以五票之差通過,卻在參議院闖關失敗。小泉最後解散眾議院,訴諸民意,選舉並獲得空前的勝利。 然而由於特殊法人機構高薪的總裁職務是官僚退休後”官員空降”的好去處,官僚們當然想盡辦法維持相關制度。再加上既得權益者如郵政族及以較高租金出租郵局房舍給政府的特定郵局局長、害怕失去公務員身分的郵局職員等龐大抵抗勢力的反撲,郵政民營化至今只釋出11%的股份,89%的股份仍由國家持有,是實質上的國有企業。因此,郵政民營化並不算一項成功的改革。
2

小泉首相時代的日韓關係(2001~2006年)

廖英君 Unknown Date (has links)
日本與朝鮮半島的關係發展,在二次大戰之後始終受到歷史因素的影響,儘管日本與南韓在1965年建交,兩國關係仍稱不上友好。不過日本與南韓在1998年發表聯合宣言,宣示將建立面向未來的伙伴關係之後,兩國關係進入自1965年建交以來的高峰期,兩國交流一時間為之大盛。然而兩國的友好關係在小泉於2001年上任之後面臨危機。2001年小泉純一郎以其超高人氣獲選自民黨總裁進而成為首相,政治風格與過去首相大異其趣,其新保守主義傾向及欲使日本成為正常國家的願望都刺激南韓對過去歷史的慘痛回憶,使得歷史爭議在小泉任內成為阻礙兩國關係發展的主要因素。此外北韓飛彈試射與核武計畫也對日韓關係產生影響。小泉為後冷戰時期在任最久的一位首相,因此研究其任內日韓關係的發展及影響變數,應可協助瞭解日韓關係的本質及預測未來的變化。 本文將於第一章首先簡單介紹過去歷史中日本與朝鮮半島關係發展的糾葛,而到了小泉上任之前兩國已漸能朝向伙伴關係的建立為發展目標,其次將說明本論文的研究動機與目的、研究範圍與限制、研究方法與途徑以及論文架構安排等。第二章則討論小泉政府的外交政策與對外特徵。首先探討日本傳統對外政策的特徵,其次再由小泉所發表的就職演說、國會施政演說,與小泉任內所任用之外務省大臣、外交青書、防衛白書等來分析小泉首相個人特質及其對國際情勢之看法,以及對外政策的主要重點,第三在朝鮮半島政策方面,則希望藉由小泉個人所發表談話與國際環境的變化來分析小泉政府的朝鮮半島政策,且與過去日本的朝鮮半島政策有何異同。第三章將分析小泉時期的日韓安全關係發展,首先在1998年日韓雙方的友好宣言中曾經協議日韓雙方將定期舉行海上搜救演習,與軍事方面的合作會議,因此將討論雙方在小泉時期是否繼續進行友好宣言中所承諾的軍事安全合作行動,而這些又會否受到其他因素影響而延後、暫停或是提高層級,其次將討論北韓屢次的挑釁行為,以及北韓與日本、南韓之間的互動,將對日韓安全合作帶來何種影響,另外本章也將研究美國與中國對日韓發展安全關係有何影響。第四章為介紹小泉時期之日韓政治關係發展,小泉時期主要引發日韓政治關係惡化的因素有歷史爭議、參拜靖國神社事件、北韓問題等,將逐一介紹這些因素以及產生何種影響。第五章分析小泉時期的日韓經濟關係發展。本章將首先探討日韓雙方的貿易往來與相互投資,藉由日本經濟產業省、外務省及南韓外交通商部等公布的官方統計數據來分析雙方的經濟互賴程度,對雙方關係有何影響,其次討論經濟專屬區(EEZ)的劃界爭議,最後分析日韓建立自由貿易區的可能性,且對日韓的經濟關係有何影響。最後第六章為結論,綜合歸納出小泉時期的日韓關係發展大致走向與特徵,並嘗試推論出日韓關係發展的正負面因素各為何,對往後的日韓關係發展可能又會產生何種程度的影響,與未來的日韓關係可能會呈現何種態勢。 / The relation between Japan and Korean Peninsula was affected by historical factor after the World War II. Though Japan and South Korea have built the official relationship since 1965, their relation was not quite very well. Japan and South Korea signed the joint declaration and vowed to creat the future-oriented relationship. Thus the relationship between Japan and South Korea reached the peek. The exchange of these two countries became vigorous at that time. However, the friendship between the two countries faced the crisis when Koizumi assumes office in 2001. Koizumi’s personal style has totally different from the prime minister in the past. His neo-conservative prospect and efforts to make Japan a “normal state” reminded South Korea people those painful memories about the invaded past. In addition, North Korea’s nuclear weapon plan and missile test also influenced the relation between the two countries. Koizumi’s tenure was the longest one in the post-cold war era, hence it may helpful to understand the essence of the Japan-South Korea relations and predict the future by studying the development and variables in Koizumi’s tenure. The thesis mainly focuses on the development of Japan-South Korea relations during the Koizumi period and being divided into six chapters. Chapter one is consisted of research motive, purpose, scopes methods, limits and the background of the Japan-South Korea relations in the past. Chapter two is going to conclude the speeches, diplomacy white papers and other official papers delivered by Koizumi or his government in order to analyze Koizumi’s personality and his international prospective. Chapter three discuss the development of their security relation, including their actual military exchanges, and North Korea threat, U.S. factor and China factor would also be discussed in this chapter. Chapter four included the most controversial issue in the political dimension, including historical disputes, territorial conflict and North Korea factor. Chapter five is about the economic corporations, like deepening trade and investment interdependence, Japan-South Korea free trade agreement. But it is worthy to notice that if the unsettled Economic Exclusive Zone boundary dispute is going to be the obstacle in the bilateral partnership. In Chapter six, conclusion is made and figures out which factor is beneficial for Japan-South Korea relations and which is detrimental for the bilateral relations. Further, I would try to predict how those factors work in the future and the development of the Japan-South Korea relations in the post-Koizumi era.
3

小泉時代日中關係之研究 / A Study on Japan-China Relations in the Koizumi Era

林思瑩, Lin, Shih-Ying Unknown Date (has links)
冷戰結束以來,兩極體系的瓦解使得東亞地區發生權力變化,為爭奪區域領導權,各國無不摩拳擦掌,其中尤以日本與中國兩國的競爭最為白熱化,兩國關係的發展也因而受到注目。日中兩國關係在1990年代歷經了初期的友好、中期的惡化與末期的低潮之後,進入二十一世紀,兩國關係已然走到關鍵的十字路口。2001年4月小泉純一郎以改革形象,挾前所未見的高人氣入主首相官邸,一上任即面臨受歷史教科書、李登輝訪日以及農產品貿易糾紛而陷入緊張的日中關係,再加上小泉首相面臨的是近兩百年來未見的崛起的中國,如何處理日中關係成為其任內的一大考驗。更重要的是,日中這東亞兩大國的互動,是合作抑或競爭,是否能破除「一山不容二虎」的迷思,都將大大影響東亞地區的未來,對身處東亞地區且正好鄰近此兩大國的我國來說,亦將是非常值得觀察的發展。 / 本文一開始首先簡單介紹從冷戰結束後到小泉首相上任之前,日中關係的大致發展,作為背景說明,其次則闡明本論文的研究動機與目的、研究範圍與限制、文獻回顧以及論文架構安排。第二章則介紹小泉時期的日本外交政策,提出五組決策者信念體系與其實際決策間的關聯因素作為分析架構,首先介紹小泉首相是如何看待現今的國際與區域情勢,以及因此衍生出來小泉的對外政策特徵,與傳統日本對外政策有何異同。第三章介紹自2001年4月小泉首相上台後日中關係的發展情況,以時間發展先後為本章的撰寫主軸,將小泉首相在位期間所發生對日本外交政策與日中關係有重大影響的四項重大國際事件(2001年9月的911事件、2002年10月的第二次北韓核武危機、2003年3月的伊拉克戰爭以及2005年12月的東亞高峰會)作為分斷點,並介紹此四項重大國際事件對日本外交政策的影響,以及該項日本外交政策的改變對於日中關係的影響。第四章分析小泉時期影響日中關係變化的發展因素,將小泉時期影響日中關係發展的重要正面因素分為經貿投資、在區域及國際性問題的合作以及政府開發援助(Official Development Assistance, ODA)三項。第五章分析小泉時期影響日中關係變化的衝突因素,將小泉時期影響日中關係發展的重要負面因素分為歷史與民族主義、領土、台灣、安全以及經濟與能源等五項。最後為結論,綜合以上各章節,歸納出小泉時期整體日中關係的情況與小泉上台對日中關係的影響及其原因,並以此為基礎,嘗試推測在「小泉後」的新政府時期,日中關係可能的發展走勢與變化。 / The purpose of this study was to explore the relations between two East Asian great powers, Japan and China, during Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro’s tenure. After the Cold War, the two powers have had encountered a period of changing relationship in the 1990s – from honeymoon to a series of quarrels. Under the situation of the power vacuum and power shift happened in the East Asian region, Japan and China have clashed fiercely in the process of competing for regional leadership. Now at the beginning of the 21th Century, Japan-China relations are at a crossroad, and here comes Koizumi who just got the power to lead Japan toward the new century. The atmosphere between Japan and China in the Koizumi era may have a great effect not only on the future of Japan-China relations but also on the future of the whole region, even the whole world. As a member of the East Asian region, there should be great interests for us in studying this theme, and getting to know how to deal with these two great powers on the basis of our own national interests. / The first part of this thesis composes research motives, purposes, scopes, limits, methods and literature review, and also provides the background of Japan-China relations in the 1990s. Chapter two focuses on Japan’s Foreign Policy under the Koizumi government, and analyzes the Prime Minister’s viewpoint on the nature of today’s international system and understands his foreign policy and China policy. Chapter three introduces the details between Japan and China interactions during the tenure of Koizumi. While Chapter four and five analyzes respectively the factors which foster or impede the development of Japan-China relations. In the last chapter, I reach the conclusion and find out the fundamental reason behind the deterioration of Japan-China relations in the Koizumi era, and then try further to predict the possible future development of Japan-China relations under the new Abe government.
4

小泉時期對中政策的轉變之研究(2001-2006) / An investigation of Koizumi's changing china policy (2001-2006)

陳冠澄 Unknown Date (has links)
小泉時期全力支援美國小布希總統的全球反恐戰爭,透過強化美日同盟,成功提升日本在美日同盟的功能與角色,朝向正常國家之路邁進。小泉每年參拜靖國神社興起了日本的民族主義,但也造成了中日關係的惡化,進而加深了日本在加入聯合國安理會常任理事國上的難度,也成為中國大規模反日運動的導火線。在中日關係上,從二戰後就一直存在著歷史上的仇恨問題,以及地緣政治因素,中日兩國在領土紛爭及資源分配等政治經濟的議題上,始終有著既合作又競爭的複雜關係。小泉時期因為911反恐浪潮強化了追隨美國路線,使得美日間友好關係展現了前所未有的高潮,同時也使中日關係產生了前所未有的「政冷經熱」的詭異現象。 本文認為,小泉的追隨美國路線的外交政策或是在推動正常國家政策上,必然會對造成中日關係上的影響,但是在推動正常國家政策上中國的支持又不可或缺,進而日本需要調整對中政策才能達成目標。小泉時期的追隨美國路線,係以什麼基準考量推動對中政策?其對中政策又如何去影響中日關係?中日關係的變化是否又會對日本的對中政策有所改變?值得我們深加研究。 / During the Koizumi administration, Japan's normalized country policies strongly supported George W. Bush's Global War on Terror to increase its role in the U.S.-Japan alliance. In addition, Koizumi also made the formal visit to the Yasukuni Shrine every year and raised Japanese nationalism. Together, these acts have contributed to the deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations, deepened the difficulty of Japan's accession to the United Nations Security Council permanent members, and become the main cause of China's large-scale anti-Japanese movement. Since World War II, Sino-Japanese relations have been characterized by historical hatred and geopolitical factors. In territorial disputes, resource allocation, and other political and economic issues, China and Japan always have a complex relationship with both cooperation and competition. During the Koizumi period, Japan's pro-American policy was strengthened due to the wave of anti-terrorism following 911, which lead to an unprecedented climax in U.S.-Japan friendship. Meanwhile, Sino-Japanese relations experienced an unprecedented and strong phenomenon of "Cold Politics-Hot Economics." Koizumi's pro-American foreign policy or Normalization policy has significantly influenced Sino-Japanese relations. To promote normalization, however, China's support is also indispensable to Japan. Thus, Japan needs to adjust its policy to achieve its goals. This research explores the basis through which the Koizumi administration evaluate its China policy under a pro-American foreign policy guideline. How Japan's China policy influences Sino-Japanese relations and whether the change in Sino-Japanese relations will then change Japan's China policy are also worth our further discussions.
5

陽光政策及其對日本與兩韓關係的影響 / Sunshine Policy and its Implications for Japan’s Relations with Two Koreans

洪瑩玲 Unknown Date (has links)
南韓金大中總統在1998年2月上台時,提出一套與北韓達成和平、和解與合作為基礎的對北韓新政策-陽光政策。陽光政策係以善意、真誠化解北韓的敵意與戒心,使北韓願意與南韓對話與交流,協助北韓走出經濟困境與國際孤立,降低朝鮮半島緊張情勢,進而開放門戶,進行經改。 因此,金大中政府的對日政策,作為陽光政策的一環,不但呼籲南韓與日本走出歷史仇恨,大力推動與日本合作援助北韓糧食物資,還積極幫助日本與北韓關係正常化。讓原本存於日本與北韓交涉障礙中的「南韓因素」轉為正面的推力。此外,金大中政府的對日政策,亦積極主動地改善南韓與日本兩國關係。為因應1997年的金融危機,金大中拋出與北韓和解的陽光政策,在朝鮮半島上製造和平穩定的投資環境,俾利南韓經濟復甦,並力圖引進日本的資金與經援,助南韓早日走出經濟困境。 雖然日本極為擔憂南北韓有可能隨著南韓政府北韓交往政策的持續推動下,在歷史問題、領土紛爭,以及日本軍事能力發展上,達成共同反日陣線。但是,在日本的朝鮮半島政策之中,被民族主義所蒙蔽的小泉政府無法看清局勢,未能好好把握南韓金大中政府,這個前所未見的親日政權,加深與南韓緊密合作的關係,消除或淡化兩國間的歷史議題。同時,在陽光政策下推行經改急需建設資金的北韓,小泉政府也未能把握金正日國防委員長在政治及安全議題上讓步的機會,解決兩國間的懸案,一舉達成兩國建交,再利用經濟合作的機會,降低北韓的反日情緒。小泉政府卻不斷的做出讓周邊國家反感的舉動,像是每年參拜象徵日本軍國主義的靖國神社,大力提升日本自衛隊軍事能力,試圖打破和平憲法的框架等,反而加深與鄰國之間的隔閡。

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