本研究以立法委員連任為研究主軸，旨在探討SNTV選舉制度下，立法委員的連任表現情形－連任與否、勝選幅度。研究首先針對第四屆區域立委於第五屆立法委員選舉之連任表現進行探討，並且檢視政黨、個人、地方派系、選區等四大因素與立法委員連任表現的關係，以發掘影響立法委員連任表現的重要因素。最後，分別運用二元洛基模型，建立起「立法委員連任模型」，比較各類自變數對立法委員連任與否的影響程度，並對現任立法委員於次屆的連任與否進行預測；以及運用OLS線性迴歸模型，建立起「立法委員勝選幅度模型」，探究四大類變數，各能為立法委員於次屆連任帶來多少實質選票。 研究結果發現，無論在「立法委員連任模型」抑或「立法委員勝選幅度模型」中都顯示：政黨、個人、地方派系、選區等四大因素中，以政黨因素、個人表現因素，對第四屆區域立委於第五屆立法委員選舉之連任表現影響，最為關鍵；更精確的說，政黨提名，以及相較於同選區其他立委下，立法委員於任內之立法工作、選區服務、新聞曝光度等三項個人表現，共同為影響立法委員連任與否及勝選幅度大小之重要變數。

選舉是實行民主政治最有效的方法之一，而選區劃分的方式將直接或間接的影響投票結果與民主政治理念的施行。 然而在選舉法規或行政區域發生變動時，舊有的選區劃分方式需要隨之調整。而傳統人工的方式具有許多缺點，如：耗費人力資源、人口分配不均、難以兼顧形狀及行政區完整等等。若每次行政區域發生變動，都需要重新劃分，將花費許多不必要的人力、物力及時間，因此利用電腦以完成自動劃分的技術逐漸受到重視。 本論文中我們打破現有的政治與人文鴻溝，嘗試以系統化的方法對選區劃分作全面性的查驗。我們利用計算幾何學的特性與人工智慧搜尋的技巧，儘量找出可能的劃分方式再進行評估。我們依據中選會的建議採用村裡為劃分之最小行政區域，從數以十萬計之合理解中，根據形狀等客觀條件篩選出較佳之劃分方式，進而將歷史投票行為加入考量，以對篩選出的劃分方式作進一步評估與分析。 實作中我們以台南市為對象，在不同的人口限制及形狀條件下，分別比較所能找到的合理解數目。同時選出一部分的劃分方式，和中選會的劃分方式比較，結果顯示我們的方法可以全面性的分析選區劃分，不同的劃分方式可能產生不同的選舉結果。 / Election is one of the most effective way of conducting democratic politics, and mean of electoral redistricting shall post effect, either directly or indirectly, on electoral outcome as well as delivering ideas of democratic politics. As election regulations or administrational districts experience alterations, the present electoral districting is forcefully accompanied with adjustments. Electoral redistricting using traditional human labor works reveal several flaws such as: human resource wastage, uneven population distributions, hard to maintain shape contiguity and compactness, as well as the completeness of administration districts. Every single alteration experience in administration district requires redistribution, thus expensing on unnecessary human labor, resources and time. As such, it had brought great attention on techniques of automatic redistribution by means of modern computer technologies. In this thesis, we shall breakthrough a giant gap between politics and humanity; conduct a thorough examination on systematic approach on electoral redistricting. We are going to utilize characteristics of computational geometry and artificial intelligence searching techniques to find out every conceivable means of redistricting then evaluation the performance of them. By recommendation of Central Election Commission (hence CEM), we will adopt the classification of township as basic unit of administrational district, from counts of thousand adequate explanations, by objective factors of shape accordance and others, select the better means of redistricting methods, and afterward put into concern of historical voting behavior, conduct a further evaluation and analysis upon chosen redistricting method. In actual practices we had selected Tainan City as the experiment target, under different population limitations and factors of form, compare the searchable numbers of decent explanation respectively. We choose some redistricting outcomes, and put into comparison with redistricting method of the CEM. The results indicated our approach is able to conduct a thorough redistricting analysis, as well as more diversified comparing to CEM's outcome. The result of this experiment also reveals different election outcome with adoption of different redistricting methods.

台灣地區在2010年的行政區域調整中，有三個區域進行縣市合併，合併後的縣市其選區必須重新劃分，而進行劃分時有三個因素可以做為縣市合併後衍生之選區劃分原則，分別是縣市融合、大市效應與優勢現象。這三個因素在以往的選區劃分中甚少被提及，因此本論文特別討論考慮這三個因素的選區劃分。 由於大市效應或優勢現象產生的原因是單一選區中有太多的選舉人口來自縣市合併前的同一行政區，因此我們在劃分前處理中，先對人口過多的行政區進行分割，然後進行選區劃分。為促進縣市融合，我們優先考慮將原縣市交界區域的行政區域劃分至選區，然後才考慮非交界區的行政區域。劃分的過程中，我們參考最多限制優先的原則，透過貪婪演算法進行劃分，劃分結束後再進行選區調整，以求能滿足中選會對選區人口數等相關的規定。 我們在論文中提出了選區評估的指標，可以對縣市融合、大市效應與優勢現象進行衡量與評估，以便作為劃分結果的比較與參考。 最後我們透過對合併後的高雄縣市進行選區劃分，以說明我們整體的概念與方法。根據我們的劃分原則與方法，我們的劃分結果產生6個縣市融合的選區，而中選會所公布的選區劃分結果，沒有任何符合縣市融合精神的選區。同時，相較於中選會的結果，我們的劃分方式有較好的大市效應指標與優勢現象指標。 / During the administrative district adjustment of Taiwan in 2010, three regions conducted the city and county merges. The electoral districts must be redistricted after these merges. There are new issues, related to the merge of city and county, which have seldom being discussed before, namely, the city-county integration, the overpopulation-region effect, and the dominance phenomenon. In this thesis, we will consider these issues as the new principles to be included in electoral districting. The reason that causes overpopulation-region effect or dominance phenomenon is due to too much of population comes from the same administrative district in the city of county prior to the merge. One could avoid these by dividing the overpopulation borough before carrying out the electoral districting. In order to promote the city and county integration, we give priority to these administrative districts on the junction regions of the original city and county configurations before considering the administrative districts on the non-junction regions. The most constraint principles and greedy algorithms are employed in the actual electoral districting processes. After the first districting, we conduct a region adjustment to comply with the regulations of the Central Election Commission (CEC). We also proposed the assessment indices that can be used to evaluate the possible effects due to the city-county integration, the overpopulation-region effect, and the dominance phenomenon. Using these indices, one can compare the results of various districting outcomes. Finally, we illustrated our idea and methods by actually districting the merged region of Kaohsiung city and county. According to our mechanism, we produced six city-county integrated electoral districts where no city-county integrated electoral district was found in the CEC’s districting results. In addition, the districting results produced by our method have better overpopulation-region effect index and better dominance phenomenon index than that announced by CEC.

立法委員因連任動機及選區壓力，使國會議場的立法參與成為選區服務的延伸。立委會將陳情民眾的意見轉化為法律提案，以便向選民宣稱功勞；為展現立法績效，並會以「搭便車」或「加碼」等方式，積極追逐立法數量。若立委選區的立場，與政黨政策方向不一致，立委可能以「切割」立場、表達異議的肢體語言，向選民表態。立委或政黨雙方各自堅持立場，甚至政黨以黨紀懲罰，仍是另一種形式的妥協，立委也藉此免於選民究責。原則上，雙方會權衡得失，在政黨包容立委選區的壓力下，避免完全撕裂關係。 　　本文以農業法案為例，用意在分析農業區與非農業區立委，於農業立法參與度的差異。觀察對象從立法院第一屆增額立委時期至第七屆，參與度的測量針對首提案、共同提案及發言次數累加，但考慮提案的付出相對較高，故予以加權計算。統計結果，農業區立委相對於非農業區、民進黨相較於其他政黨，在農業立法參與度比較高，國民黨則是黨際競爭激烈的農業區立委較積極。此外，第二屆的國會全面改選及第七屆選制改為單一選區，對立法參與度皆有顯著影響。 　　在方法的運用上，本研究測量農業立法參與度，以量化（立法紀錄編碼）為主，並藉質性資料（公報、報紙、訪談）輔助解釋。立委因選區考量促成的行為態樣，包括競逐立法績效及突顯異議立場的分析，則以質性資料的案例檢證為主，且以數據資料輔助佐證。 / Legislative participation in congress by legislators who want reelection and feel pressure from constituency is extension of servicing constituents. Legislators propose bills that transform from petitions of constituents in order to claim credit, and propose more bills to raise legislative performance by “free riding” and “raising the stakes.” Besides, legislators may “segment” position or express objection to conforming constituency if legislators and their party have different opinions. At this situation, legislators and their party maybe stand each position or party enforces punishment to maintain discipline that is another compromise, and legislators can avoid charge from constituency. In principle, party will tolerate legislators who feel pressure from constituency and each will avoid to tear both sides. 　　The dissertation applies case of agricultural bills aims to compare degree of legislative participation in agricultural and non-agricultural district. The range of observation is from First(additional members) to Seventh Legislative Yuan. The degree to measure include first and joint proposal, speaking. However, the proposals had weighted for more devotion than speaking. As a result of statistics, legislators’ degree in agricultural district was more high than non-agricultural, DPP’s degree was more high than other party, and KMT legislators in marginal agricultural district still actively participate in legislation. Furthermore, the Second’s democratization and the Seventh’s single member district had more influence on legislative participation. 　　In research methods, the degree to measure legislative participation in agricultural bills mainly applies quantitative analysis(to code legislative records). Further, legislative behavior of raising legislative performance and standing objection position mainly applies qualitative analysis(bulletin, newspaper, interview).

地方民意代表，以繼續連任為目標，對於選區的經營及選民的個案服務無不全力以赴，做好選區經營選民服務，是再次爭取選民選票支持的重要關鍵；本文以第一屆新北市65位現任議員為研究對象，透過對全體議員的問卷調查和對10位議員的深入訪談，探知他們對於選區經營選民服務的看法和作為，藉以了解地方民意代表如何服務地方服務選民的參考依據。 依問卷填答資料統計顯示，新北市議員平均聘請助理數7.40人，平均設置之服務處數2.16處，每星期選民反應請託案件數平均19.88件，每星期紅白帖平均數29.06張；以每周工作70小時計，花在議會問政25.55小時，選民服務時間39.91小時，自己事業時間4.54小時。議員為民服務最重視的項目依序是：選民個案服務、爭取選區地方建設經費、議會質詢及監督行政機關。各類型選民反應或請託案最多的是糾紛調解，其次是爭取社團、里活動經費補助和地方小型建設建議案。各不同黨籍或新科/連任議員皆盡全力做好選區經營選民服務，所以比較各項數據沒有明顯差異。 深入訪談第一部分訪談選區經營具特色及代表性議員，請議員說明其選區經營選民服務的理念和實際做法，詢問其選區特性、選民結構及選舉競爭，並了解其依個人特質所建立的選舉資源網絡。第二部分訪談市府規劃欲興建殯葬專區之選區議員，做為選區經營案例之研究，了解議員以何管道探知選民反對意向，如何發動選民陳情抗爭，如何維護選區選民權益，及利用此一議題進行選區經營的思維與策略。 / The local elected representatives go to great lengths to manage their electoral districts and to provide the best service for their votes as their main goal is to continue in office, and the key to it is to gain the voters’ support. This study will focus on the case of the 65 councilmen of the first session in New Taipei City. Through a questionnaire survey and in-depth interviews with 10 of the councilmen, their viewpoints and behaviors related to their electoral district management and service are provided as to have reference to understand their ways of provided service. According to the statistical results of the questionnaire survey, the average number of assistant per New Taipei City councilman is 7.40 persons; the average number of service center is 2.16; the average number of cases of the voters for any request per week is 19.88; the average number of red/white envelopes per week is 29.06; they work 70 hours per week, for which 25.55 hours are spent in the parliament, 39.91 hours are dedicated for the voters and 4.54 hours are for their own business. The priority of tasks in importance are in the following order: voters’ cases, seeking for local infrastructure funds, questioning in the parliament, and supervision of the administrative offices. In regard to the type of the voters’ cases, the major issue consists of dispute resolution followed by the seeking of association or neighborhood subsidies and recommendations for minor establishments. The councilmen show no distinctive differences as all of them, regardless their political parties or seniority, are trying their best for good management and service for their electoral districts. As for the in-depth interview, the first part consists of the interviews with representative councilmen with features in their electoral district management. The interviewees are asked to provide their visions and practical executions for their electoral districts, and then explained the features of their electoral districts, the structure of the voters and the electoral competitions as to understand the online electoral resources established in accordance with their personal characteristics. The second part consist of interviews with the councilmen whose electrical districts contain planning funeral area by the city government as management case studies. Through the interviews, we are able to understand the councilmen’s channels to discover voters’ opposition, to mobilize voters for petition, to defend voters’ rights and to promote ideas and strategies for the electoral district management.