Thesis--Heidelberg. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. vii-xx).

In the year 1877, during a lull in the Eastern Question, the English newspapers discovered South Africa. There a Dutch republic, the Transvaal, had all but succumbed to the onslaughts of a native chief - or so it seemed; and now it was annexed to the British Crown. Clearly, this was a corner of the world of which, as its colonists boasted, England would hear much more; and Parliament was shortly to set its seal of approval upon Lord Carnarvon’s essay in imperial architecture, South African Confederation. Intro., p. 1.

Dissertação (mestrado)-Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de História, 2006. / Submitted by Allan Wanick Motta (allan_wanick@hotmail.com) on 2011-05-05T19:26:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_RenataSilvaAlmendra.pdf: 857588 bytes, checksum: 1aba0e48e8521bae8b7ad63198563a75 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Daniel Ribeiro(daniel@bce.unb.br) on 2011-05-18T00:56:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_RenataSilvaAlmendra.pdf: 857588 bytes, checksum: 1aba0e48e8521bae8b7ad63198563a75 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-05-18T00:56:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_RenataSilvaAlmendra.pdf: 857588 bytes, checksum: 1aba0e48e8521bae8b7ad63198563a75 (MD5) / A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo fazer uma leitura da prática da malandragem entre homens e mulheres livres no Rio de Janeiro na primeira metade do século XIX, utilizando como fontes as comédias escritas por Martins Pena entre os anos de 1833 e 1847. Tal período, que abarca alguns anos da Regência e os primeiros anos do Segundo Reinado, foi marcado por um grande crescimento urbano do Rio de Janeiro que, como capital do império e sede da monarquia, buscou romper com seu passado colonial, dando à cidade um ar mais moderno e civilizado através de inúmeras reformas urbanas, estabelecimento de leis para “implantar a ordem” e consumo de uma cultura européia. A tentativa de implementação de um projeto modernizador deparava-se com as tradições coloniais, a ordem deparava-se com a desordem, o lícito com o ilícito, o rural com o urbano, o público com o privado, a escravidão com o pensamento liberal, gerando uma série de contradições e possibilidades. O malandro, sujeito astuto, esperto e sagaz, fazia um movimento de oscilação entre esses paradoxos da sociedade carioca, estabelecendo entre eles relações dialéticas e demonstrando maneiras criativas de se dar bem nessa sociedade que pretendia civilizar-se e modernizar-se a todo custo. Os personagens que Martins Pena colocou nos palcos da Corte nos mostram um pouco do jogo de cintura e do “jeitinho” necessários para transformar as desvantagens em vantagens e, assim, sobreviver de modo criativo nessa sociedade tão marcada pela dialética da ordem e da desordem. _________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / The present research consists of an analysis of the practice of hustling among free men and women in Rio de Janeiro in the first half of the nineteenth century, taking as a source the comedies written by Martins Pena from his works of 1833 until those of 1847. That age, which includes some years of the Regency period and also the first years of the Second Reign, was distinguished to be of large urban growing in Rio de Janeiro, which as the capital of the Empire and the Monarchy's headquarters, tried to break its colonial past giving the city a more modern and civilized aspect, through innumerous urban reforms, establishment of laws "to instill the order" and the consumption of the European culture. The attempt to implement a modernizing project met the colonial traditions, order met the disorder, licit met the illicit, rural met the urban, public met the private, slavery met the Liberal thought bringing up both contradictions and possibilities. The hustler, an astute, smart and sagacious character had a movement of oscillation between these paradoxes in the native society of Rio de Janeiro, settling creative ways to make a living within this society that intended to become civilized and modern at any cost. The characters Martins Pena has put on the stages of the court show us a little of the so called "jeitinho" (the Brazilian manners, a way to make a living) needed to transform the disadvantages into advantages and to survive in a creative way in this society so distinguished by the dialectics of order and disorder.

Orientador : Agueda Bernadete Bittencourt Uhle / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-28T11:22:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Meschiatti_JoseEduardo_M.pdf: 16397337 bytes, checksum: 4bd3146fb73274778aa2a0a092f06236 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2000 / Mestrado

In 1776, the City of Gävle was immersed in a blazing fire, almost the whole city burned down and buildings that managed to survived have either been demolished or replaced by another one. To provide an actual view of Gävle from 1800-century is difficult due to the three different fires. A three-dimensional visualization model presents the entire city between 1776-1815 as it might have appeared. Archival images and information was provided from Länsmusem Gävleborg, Fogden, City library of Gävle and the City Archive. The three-dimensional model of the entire city is presented in a QuickTime movie format for viewing.

Évoquer la place des libres de couleur en Martinique des origines à 1815, c'est évoqué un curieux paradoxe. Afin d'appréhender ce dernier et aborder la position des libres de couleur dans la société, il a fallu se pencher sur le processus de formation de ce groupe de 1635 à la veille de la Révolution française, en mettant en lumière l'origine de celui-ci, le statut, la condition des personnes, la répartition géographique, la situation socioéconomique et les réseaux de sociabilité qu'ils utilisent dans la société. L'abord de ce processus ne pouvait se faire sans la prise en compte de la politique menée par l'administration envers l'affranchissement. L'utilisation des registres paroissiaux (puis de l'état civil) et du notariat a permis la confrontation entre la théorie (le droit colonial), et, la pratique quotidienne. Il a fallu ensuite mettre en évidence dans un second temps comment, malgré la Révolution française et de ses idéaux, de son impact en Martinique, la ségrégation perdure à l'encontre du groupe des libres de couleur et confirme l'entre-deux de celui-ci dans la société, en dépit de son accroissement numérique (via l'affranchissement principalement) et économique, et ce, jusqu'au début de la Restauration. La politique coloniale menée par les différentes administrations qui se succèdent et les troubles qui perturbent l'ordre établi ont favorisé la compréhension du phénomène. Si, les libres de couleur furent assimilés dès 1685 aux sujets naturels du royaume de France, ils ne purent pourtant exercer comme les Blancs, certaines charges publiques, certaines professions libérales, certains emplois dans la milice (officiers). Cependant, certains d'entre eux réussirent à se hisser économiquement au niveau des négociants blancs avant 1815. Néanmoins, ils demeurèrent cantonnés dans une place mitoyenne entre Blancs et esclaves, une "zone tampon", un entre-deux discriminatoire et ségrégatif. Ces libres de couleur qui étaient aussi bien des noirs que des métis furent rejetés par les Blancs qu'ils souhaitaient égaler et méprisaient en général les esclaves alors qu'ils étaient souvent liés à eux par un ancêtre noir. Comme les Blancs, ils possédaient des esclaves, des terres et des maisons. Pourtant, leur situation dans la société fut très paradoxale. / To evoke the place of free coloureds in Martinic from the earliest times to 1815, it is evoked a curious paradox. In order to apprehend this last and to tackle free coloureds position in the society, it had to look into the process of development of this group from 1635 to the day before french revolution. The access of this process could not become without taking into consideration of the political controlled by the administration on emancipation. The utilization of parish registers (then registers of births, marriages and deaths) and deeds executed by a notary permitted confrontation between the theory (the colonial right) and the daily practical. It had to show how in spite of french revolution and these ideals, and this impact in Martinic, the segregation be continued against free coloureds group and confirmed space in between of this group in the society in spite of these numerical and economic growth (by way of emancipation principally), and those, as far as the beginning of the Restoration. The colonial political controlled by different administrations who followed one another and unrest who perturbed etablished order assisted the comprehension of this phenomenon. If free coloureds were assimilated since 1685 to natural subjects of french kingdom with the same rights, privileges and immunities, they did not exercise as whites some public responsabilities and offices, some liberal trades, some positions in militia (officers). Before the end of observation period (1815), some people were succeded to hoist themselves economically on a level with whites wholesalers. In spite of that, they were limited in a intermediate place between whites and slaves, a "buffer zone". Free coloureds who were as well as blacks than halfcastes have been rejected by whites that they would wish to equal and despised in general slaves even when they had common interests (a mother or a sister in slavery). As whites, they possessed slaves, estates and houses. However, their situation was so paradoxical in the colonial society.

No description available.

The agreement on Swedish Pomerania between Sweden and Prussia from 1815 contains an article that is central for this essay. It states that the inhabitants of Swedish Pomerania and the Pomeranian in Sweden were given six years to decide in which of the kingdoms they wanted to be citizens after Sweden had left Pomerania. Since this possibility was raised in an international treaty, one can assume that both signatories supposed it was a matter that would affect a certain number of individuals within Swedish Pomerania. I am examining to which extent this possibility was used, by whom and why. All in all, I have been able to show that there was a clear perception among the authorities of both sides that a certain number of inhabitants probably would want to leave Pomerania in connection with the transition to Prussia. I have also shown that people actually moved from Pomerania to Sweden during the years 1815 to 1821, although this was never the question of a major wave of emigration. Those who moved proved to have different motives and that these motives varied depending on background, occupation etc. The same applies to those who stayed.

No description available.

Note: typewritten ms.