The tonal organization of the first-movement development sections of ten Haydn symphonies (nos. 1, 4, 6, 10, 13, 15, 19, 24, 31 and 72), all in D major composed between 1758 and 1765, is directly linked to eighteenth-century theories of modulation. The recent theoretical or musicological literature, with the exception of H. C. Robbins Landon's Haydn: Chronical and Works (1976--1980), has concentrated on Haydn's later high classical style generally ignoring these earlier works composed during his largely self-didactic, most formative years. After evaluating the analytical procedures established by Webster (1991), Wheelock (1992), Sisman (1993) and Haimo (1995) in chapter one, chapter two reviews tonal theories of some eighteenth-century writers. Chapter three presents analytical observations on the Morzin Symphonies (nos. 1, 15, 4, 10). Chapter four extends the discussion of chapter two and focuses on theoretical concepts that determine rank ordering of scale-steps in relation to the tonic. Chapter five focuses on tonal procedures employed in the developments of early Esterhazy symphonies (nos. 6, 13, 72, 24, 31) all of which feature cadentially-confirmed tonicizations of scale-step vi paired with recapitulatory from the main theme. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal / Pour respecter les droits d'auteur, la version électronique de cette thèse ou ce mémoire a été dépouillée, le cas échéant, de ses documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale de la thèse ou du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

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This thesis seeks to examine the increasing importance of national issues and popular consciousness in the politics of the county of Kent during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The Excise and Jew Bill crises indicate that public opinion and extra-parliamentary protest were by no means dormant under the early Hanove.rians, but without effective leadership either at Westminster or in the provinces, without a coherent ideological basis, and without the encouragement of a well-oiled propaganda machine, reaction to national events tended to be unco-ordinated and short-lived. Not until after 1768, when men like Wilkes, Wyvill and John Reeves began to organise popular agitation, when Burke, Paine and Gartwright gave shape to conservative and radical ideas, and when better transport and the development of the press facilitated the easy diffusion of news and comment, did a new complexion come across the face of English affairs. Clearly defined issues also appeared on the politidal stage and quickly cultivated a high level of public debate. Between 1768 and 1783 the Middlesex election dispute and the American War focused the attention of Kent's urban freemen and landed classes on calls for parliamentary and economical reform, and ensured that the county was in the van of those who joined Yorkshire in its campaign of lobbying and petitioning. After 1784 reform was eclipsed, first by the all-embracing struggle among the partisans of Pitt and Fox, and then by the dark menace of Jacobin and Napoleonic France, but in the context of public awareness and participation, the fall of the Coalition and the Regency crisis, together with the formation of Reevite committees, corresponding societies and the Volunteers, gave these turbulent decades a lasting significance. The return to peace in 1815 brought fresh problems for Kentish gentlemen and labourers alike and acted as a spur to renewed agitation out-of-doors. When, however, ministers, and the House of Commons proved deaf to the pleas of a distressed nation, and even went so far as to violate the much acclaimed Protestant Ascendancy, constitutional change seemed the only remaining remedy and by 1832 concerted popular enthusiasm had carried the Reform Bill over every obstacle thrown in its path.

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Grandson is a district in the French speaking canton of Vaud with no particular feature. Prosaic, it resembles many other regions of Switzerland. Such an uneventful area, with smooth social changes taking place over the course of centuries, seemed tailor-made to conduct a combined study of population and landownership. By bringing two vastly different domains of social sciences, demography and rural economy into harmony within a single study, issues of encompassing both methods, theoretically and practically, are discussed. However, the essence of this type of study is the availability of documentation. The registers of land and parish are to be structured for an automatic data processing. The analysis of databases for both the population and the landowners points to unsuspected movements of inhabitants under study, casting doubts on some received ideas on the past population of rural areas in Swiss communities. Proposing to observe eight small neighbouring villages within a limited span of time would privilege empirical aspects. This monograph attempts to picture landownership and population in the 18th century Grandson area. In doing so, some issues were clarified. Nonetheless some others could only be raised.

Im Februar 1777 lobte die Ökonomische Gesellschaft zu Bern einen Preis von 100 Louis d’Or aus für den besten Vorschlag eines umfassenden Kriminalgesetzes. Das Preisgeld kam aus dem Kreis der französischen Aufklärer. Eine Hälfte stammte vermutlich von dem Pariser Parlamentsadvokaten Elie de Beaumont, der sich in den Justizaffären um Jean Calas und Pierre Paul Sirven einen Namen gemacht hatte. Die andere Hälfte hatte Voltaire beigesteuert, der das Geld von Friedrich II. von Preussen erhalten hatte. Das Preisausschreiben war ein großer Erfolg. Neben zahlreichen unbekannten Juristen beteiligten sich eine Reihe bekannter Persönlichkeiten, von denen hier nur die späteren Revolutionäre Marat, Brissot de Warville sowie die deutschen Strafrechtsprofessoren Quistorp und Gmelin genannt seien. Die historische Bedeutung des Berner Preisausschreibens liegt darin, dass es die bis dato vorwiegend programmatische Debatte um die Strafrechtsreform in eine praktische Phase überleitete. Es trat eine Welle praktischer Reformschriften los, in denen die Forderungen von Thomasius, Montesquieu und Beccaria umgesetzt wurden. Entscheidend dafür war, dass es mittels des Preisausschreibens gelang, eine große Zahl juristischer Experten zu aktivieren, die neben dem Reformwillen auch über das Fachwissen verfügten, das für die Entwicklung eines neuen Strafrechts erforderlich war. Von den 46 eingesendeten Preisschriften sind neun im Druck überliefert. Sechsundzwanzig befinden sich in Manuskriptform im Archiv der Ökonomischen Gesellschaft zu Bern. Der vorliegende Band versammelt die Transkriptionen von sieben manuskriptförmig überlieferten Preisschriften. Vier sind in französischer und drei in deutscher Sprache verfasst. Eine Preisschrift stammt von dem Genfer Jakobiner Julien Dentand, eine andere von dem deutschen Publizisten Johann Wolfgang Brenk. Die Autoren der übrigen fünf Manuskripte sind unbekannt. Die transkribierten Preisschriften sind Teil der quellenmäßigen Basis einer Untersuchung des strafrechtlichen Denkens im späten 18. Jahrhundert. Diese erscheint demnächst in den Studien zur Europäischen Rechtsgeschichte (Christoph Luther: Aufgeklärt strafen. Menschengerechtigkeit im 18. Jahrhundert). / In february 1777 the Economic Society of Bern hosted a promotional contest. 100 Louis d’Or were offered for the best draft of a penal law codification. The prize money was donated by two proponents of the French Enlightenment. One half presumably came from the Parisian advocat Elie de Beaumont, who had made himself a name in the legal scandals involving Jean Calas and Pierre Paul Sirven. The other half of the prize money originated from Voltaire, to whom it had been given by Frederick II. of Prussia. The contest was a great success. Amongst a big number of unknown jurists several of well-known individuals took part, of which the future revolutionaries Marat and Brissot de Warville as well as the German law-professors Quistorp and Gmelin shall be mentioned here. The historical significance of the prize contest resides in the fact that it inaugurated the practical stage of the formerly programmatic debate on the reform of the penal law. It unleashed a wave of proposals for the implementation of the changes Thomasius, Montesquieu and Beccaria had sought. A condition for the practical turn of the debate was the mobilization of experts who among the good will disposed of the technical knowledge necessary to create a new penal law. In establishing this condition the Bern promotional contest played a decisive role. 46 reform proposals were handed in. Nine were published, 26 remain as manuscripts in the archive of the Economic Society of Bern. The present book gathers the transcriptions of four French and three German manuscripts. One was written by the further Genevan Jacobin Julien Dentand, another by the German publicist Johann Wolfgang Brenk. The other five authors remain anonymous. The transcribed manuscripts are part of the sources of a study on the thinking of penal law in the late 18th century, that will appear soon in the series Studien zur Europäischen Rechtsgeschichte (Christoph Luther: Aufgeklärt strafen. Menschengerechtigkeit im 18. Jahrhundert).

The main purpose of this study is to prove that the view on the American Indians, as it is presented in the plays, is determined by two dissimilar sets of values: those related to Christianity and those associated with democracy. The Christian ideals of mercy and benevolence are counterbalanced by the democratic values of freedom and patriotism in such a way that secular ideals in many cases supersede the religious ones. To achieve the purpose of the dissertation, I sifted the plays for a list of notions related to Christianity and, using textual evidence, demonstrated that these notions were not confined to particular pieces but systematically appeared in a significant number of plays. This method allowed me to make a claim that the motif of Christianity was one of the leading ones, yet it was systematically set against another major recurrent subject—the values of democracy. I also established the types of clerical characters in the plays and discovered their common characteristic—the ultimate bankruptcy of their ideals. This finding supported the main conclusion of this study: in the plays under discussion, Christianity was presented as no longer the only valid system of beliefs and was strongly contested by the outlook of democracy.I discovered that the motif of Christianity in the American Indian plays reveals itself in three ways: in the superiority of Christian civilization over Indian lifestyle, in the characterization of Indians within the framework of Christian morality, and in the importance of Christian clergy in the plays. None of these three topics, however, gets an unequivocal interpretation. First, the notion of Christian corruption is distinctly manifest. Second, the Indian heroes and heroines demonstrate important civic virtues: desire for freedom and willingness to sacrifice themselves for their land. Third, since the representation of the clerics varies from saintliness to villainy, the only thing they have in common is the impracticability and incredulity of the ideas they preach. More fundamental truths, it is suggested, should be sought outside of Christianity, and the newly found values should be not so much of a "Christian" as of "democratic" quality. / Department of English

This study is a cross-examination of the theory of revolution and the historical view of English society and politics in the late eighteenth century. Historical research focused upon the most respected (if not the most recent) works containing theory and information about the effects of the French Revolution on English society and politics. Research into the theory of revolution was basically a selection process whereby a few of the most extensive and reasonable theories were chosen for use.The cross-study of the two fields revealed that, although historians view it as politically conservative and generally complacent, English society, fettered by antiquated political institutions and keenly aware of the recent French Revolution, contained all the elements conducive to rebellion listed by the theorists of revolution. In the final analysis, research indicated revolution did not occur in England because of the confluence of political, military and social events in England and France. / Department of History

This study examines the relationship between the first major religious revival in the New England colonies and the change from psalmody to hymnody in the mid-eighteenth century through an approach which integrates the two fields of theology and church music. The termination date is 1770, and the focus is Protestant congregational song in the three groups most influenced by Puritan thought: the Congregationalists, the Presbyterians, and the Baptists.While much has been written separately about the change in eighteenth-century sacred song and the Great Awakening itself, there has been little research that attempts to place the psalmody/hymnody issue within the larger context of the changing theological milieu. This study first examines the theological and ecclesiastical structures which provided the context for Reformed worship, and then explores how fundamental changes in those structures and thought systems impacted congregational song. In order to comprehend the major changes which occurred in the mid-eighteenth century in colonial America, chapters on the Reformed Church and the beginning and spread of psalmody, the New England colonies to 1700, and the beginning of English hymnody are included.Conclusions1. The primary conclusion of this study is that the Great Awakening is the single most important factor in the change from psalmody to hymnody in the New England colonies. It is not a peripheral factor as indicated in much of the research. Rather, it provides both the rationale and the means for the transition in church song. The Great Awakening represented a basic theological change from a theocentric to an anthropocentric viewpoint that subsequently required alterations in sacred song. The revival movement, through its evangelistic spirit, also provided the vehicle by which this change in psalmody was effected.2. The agitation of the 1720s as evidenced in the tracts and treatises did not affect the transition directly. However, it is indicative of the increasing discontent with traditional Calvinist theology.3. The Psalms and Hymns of Isaac Watts were not a primary reason for the change, but met the needs of the new anthropocentric theology of the Great Awakening that required a new language of praise. / School of Music