À la base de ce travail se trouve la problématique de la place et du rôle de la religion dans l'espace public des sociétés occidentales contemporaines. Son but est de dégager des propositions qui permettront d'adapter le politique, c'est-à-dire les institutions publiques et le comportement des citoyens, à la pluralité des doctrines englobantes et des conceptions du bien qui caractérise le monde d'aujourd'hui. Et cela, tout en honorant l'ensemble des valeurs et des principes libéraux et démocratiques, à commencer par l'égalité fondamentale entre les personnes et la liberté de conscience et de religion. L'objectif général est donc de définir le sens et la forme de cette composante essentielle de toute démocratie libérale qu'est la laïcité. Étant donné sa nature normative, ce problème est abordé sous l'angle des théories normatives en philosophie morale et politique contemporaine. Il s'agit de dégager et d'analyser la conceptualisation de la laïcité présente dans l'œuvre du philosophe allemand Jürgen Habermas (1929-), plus précisément d'extraire de sa théorie de la religion et de sa théorie politique les principes constitutifs de la laïcité. Cela comprend en outre la détermination des conditions et des moyens de leur application. La religion pouvant s'insérer dans l'espace public selon deux modalités, le problème central de cette recherche se divise en deux questions. La première est celle de la mobilisation des ressources normatives de la religion pour l'orientation de la vie collective ; la seconde celle de la reconnaissance des particularismes religieux. Elle consiste donc à expliquer les réponses que leur apporte, directement ou indirectement, Habermas, de même qu'à vérifier leur force, leur validité et leur cohérence. Pour ce faire, est mise à contribution l'analyse des propositions d'autres penseurs de la religion, du social et du politique. Les propos de Habermas sont particulièrement mis en parallèle avec ceux de deux grands représentants du libéralisme politique contemporain, John Rawls et Will Kymlicka, et de Charles Taylor, un éminent représentant du communautarisme. Ce travail se divise donc en trois grandes parties. La première porte sur le concept de religion chez Habermas. Y est étudié le tournant qu'a connu la pensée habermassienne sur la religion au cours des deux dernières décennies, lequel consiste en une valorisation du potentiel sémantico-normatif de la religion en modernité. La seconde concerne l'articulation de la religion avec la raison publique. La troisième a trait à l'aménagement politique de la diversité religieuse. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : citoyenneté, démocratie, démocratie délibérative, espace public, laïcité, libéralisme politique, multiculturalisme, raison publique, religion, Habermas, Kymlicka, Rawls, Taylor

Denna uppsats analyserar de psalmer som användes i Svenska kyrkan under 1920-talet. Utgångspunkten tas i 1921 års psalmbokstillägg. Psalmtexterna analyseras utifrån den sammhälleliga kontexten. Framförallt 4 kategorier diskuteras: gemenskap, protest, mål och mening och till sist frihet. Musik har haft betydelse för människor på många olika sätt och har det fortfarande. En viktig uppgift har kompositörerna till musiken och författarena till texterna. Vad musiken och texten sedan betyder är upp till var och en att bedöma, dock kan man alltid undersöka och analysera texternas betydelse och innehåll från olika angreppssätt och ett av dem är så som jag gått till väga och hoppas att det med tiden kommer att utvecklas. En önskan är att fler människor intresserar sig för detta område och försöker se det ur olika vinklar och angriper det från olika håll. En annan önskan är att någon tar vid där detta arbete slutar och går vidare, fördjupar och utvecklar det jag påbörjat. Jag hoppas att man kan ägnar mer tid och forskning åt det här området, ty jag är övertygad om att det kommer att ha betydelse i framtiden på så sätt att det skulle kunna förklara Svenska kyrkans inflytande på människor genom musik och text.

This thesis explores new ideas for the foundations for state violence in Iraq by looking specifically at the outbreaks of spectacular violence during the Qasim Era (1958-1963). In order to frame the discussion, this study looks first at how the British established a model for state violence during the Monarchy period (1921-1958), which eventually both validated and radicalized the opposition parties. The second chapter examines the violence of the everyday in Iraq, and how the spectacular violence of the Qasim Era finds historical context within everyday violence and ritual. In the final chapter, this thesis discusses how the radicalized violence of the opposition parties melded with the violence of the everyday to create spectacular acts of ritualized violence. After the coup d’état of 8 February 1963, the Ba’ath Party institutionalized this radical new brand of violence, creating a foundation for the state violence to come under Saddam Hussein. This violence was experienced only by the Iraqi Communists at first, but was later experienced by the whole nation. / text

This thesis focuses on the anachronistic poacher-hero figure in late nineteenth-century German literature. Historian Hobsbawm has suggested that the symbolic endurance of "noble robber" figures (of which we can view poacher-heroes as a subset) takes place in an ideal imaginary "stripped" of the "local and social framework" (2000, 143). My thesis shows, in multiple examples across multiple genres, that in fact the poacher-hero is uniquely available for re-contextualization and renewal of social relevance, even under changed social and economic circumstances. The poacher-hero is not only a device for making statements about the past, but also for expressing claims on the future. It is perhaps this dynamism that makes the poacher-hero excellent carrier for different kinds of social critique as well. In my first chapter, I give a brief historical overview of the period and the motif. In the second chapter, I show how the poacher and his rural context are brought into contact with urban, imperial themes. In the chapter I read two novels, Der verlorene Sohn (The prodigal son, 1884-1886) and Quitt (Even, 1890), and the play Waldleute (Forest people, 1896) thematically to show how upward social mobility is associated with and adapted to the poacher figure. In the third chapter of the thesis, I examine narrative strategies and their employment in the construction of a socially critical viewpoint in Der verlorene Sohn and Quitt. I show how both high and low literary works, intended and written for different audiences, achieve similar results in their positioning of the poacher-protagonist through different narrative structures. This convergence shows the malleability of the societal frame for the poacher-hero. Finally, in the fourth chapter, I show regional adaptations of the motif, by examining different versions of a folk ballad "Das Jennerweinlied" ("The Jennerwein song"). This thesis furthermore shows how study of a motif can be used to bring together a diverse group of roughly contemporary texts. Viewing these texts in relationship with one another brings into question the scholarly focus on certain texts at the expense of others. / text

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This thesis examines the political and literary reception in Spain of the figure of Pedro Calderon de la Barca, Golden Age playwright, during the years comprising the start of the querella calderoniana until the end of the nineteenth century; a period dominated by the intellectual figure Marcelino Menendez Pelayo. The nineteenth century is characterized by widespread social, political, economic, religious and cultural change, as much as for the development of the intention, on the part of political ideologies in positions of power, to generate a concrete idea of the Nation; in short, a specific way of interpreting Spanish national identify. This changes and the process which followed the configuration of this idea of the nation are recorded in little studied and highly politicized print media of the time, as well as in various verbal polemics maintained over the course of the century. / The study of these has allowed me to demonstrate that the reception of Calderon has been strongly influenced by the presence and interaction of these aspects. As the century progresses, the figure of the playwright becomes increasingly identified with the ideals of the National identify established by political conservatives. / In the first chapter, I analyse what happened in this intellectual conflict contextualizing it ideologically in the calderonian polemics of the eighteenth century, and frame it within relevant events in the formation of national identity. / The next two chapters analyse the development of the querella calderoniana and the subsequent appropriation of Calderon, in one of the darkest moments for the written press in Spain, corresponding with Fernando VII's absolutist regime. This study has been achieved through close readings of various periodicals, literary and ideological discourses of this epoch. / The final chapter concentrates on the conservative appropriation of Calderon effectuated by Menendez Pelayo, one of the most important intellectual figures of nineteenth century in Spain, who attempted to integrate this appropriation with others preceding it. A brief section of conclusions summarizes the theses, followed by a selected bibliography.

Islamic Tradition is the record safeguarded by the Islamic community which claims to preserve the very words and deeds of Muhammad as well as those of many of his companions. In the West major work on Tradition was undertaken first by Ignaz Goldziher in his Muhammedanische Studien (1888). His investigation into Umayyad history convinced him the period allowed the influx of numerous forgeries. These Traditionserdichtungen so overcame Tradition that no attempt in the Abbasid era could ever repair the damage. The second major scholar of Tradition was Joseph Schacht. Though his book The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence (1950), treated the legal work of al-Shafi'i in particular, his evaluation of al-Shafi'i's fight for the position of Tradition in law led Professor Schacht to make numerous conclusions about the authenticity and growth of traditions. Most recently Nabia Abbott in her Qur'anic Commentary and Tradition (1967) has taken a fresh look at Tradition. With the aid of early papyri fragments and an intensive combing of the sources on the scholarly practices of early traditionists, Miss Abbott was able to identify certain types of traditions as authentic and to show the genesis of scholarly interest in traditions from the time of the prophet himself. These three represent the best scholarship on Tradition available. They represent too varying approaches and evaluations. In short, their work points to more fruitful scholarship.

This thesis examined the media framing of the Juarez femicide. The media framing of femicide is significant because women have always been the victims of widespread violence. Violence against women exists in all societies and is not restricted to economic class, race, ethnic, and ideology. Despite the prevalence of gender-violence, this issue is taboo in most cultures and difficult to discuss. The study is also significant because it provides insight into the cultural codes in communities where violence against women is prevalent, offers what may be the first comparative academic analysis of U.S. and Mexican media frames, and adds to our understanding of a cross-cultural femicide. This study examined the types of media framing utilized by both the U.S and Mexican media, the implications of the frames, and the differences in framing strategies between the U.S. and Mexican media. The method used to conduct this media framing analysis of the Juarez femicides employed Burke’s (1989) dramatism theory and Noelle-Neumann’s (1971) spiral of silence theory. This method entailed applying the cycle of redemption and silencing theory to newspaper articles from the El Paso Times published in El Paso, Texas, and El Diario published in Ciudad-Juarez, Mexico to determine if the artifact illustrated components of the redemptive process and silencing. This study found eight total themes from both El Paso Times and El Diario that illustrated the components of the redemption, victimage, and silencing. / Department of Communication Studies

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the ways in which the censors during the apartheid era responded to the works of three black liberation theorists; namely Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral and Steve Biko. Although other studies of apartheid‐era censorship have been published, this is the first to examine the censors’ reactions to the work of key African liberation writers. Apartheid in South Africa brought with it a stringent system of governance, which included a board of censors who would decide, according their interpretation of the laws of the time, whether a publication was considered to be “desirable” or “not undesirable.” One of the major themes examined in the thesis is the interface and tension between the specific and the transnational. As we shall see, all three liberation theorists put forward Pan‐African ideas of liberation, but often explicated upon the specificities of their particular liberation struggles. In a strange act of mirroring, while upholding the idea of South Africa as “a special case” (exempt from the norms of international human rights law), the apartheid‐era censors were concerned about the spread of Pan‐African theories of liberation. Beginning with Fanon, I speculate on the reason why Black Skin White Masks was not banned in South Africa, though Fanon’s later works to enter the country were banned. I also examine Gillo Pontecorvo’s film The Battle of Algiers, which was influenced by Fanon’s theories, and censorship, arguing that the “likely readers” or “likely viewers” of revolutionary material included not only possible revolutionaries, but also paranoid networks of counterinsurgency. I then move on to examine the apartheid censors’ responses to the works of Amilcar Cabral, outlining the interface and tension between local and continental as described above. The final chapter, which deals with the censors’ responses to Steve “Bantu” Biko’s I Write What I Like as well as Donald Wood’s Biko, the film Cry Freedom and other Biko related texts and memorabilia, has some surprises about the supposedly “liberal” censors’ responses to what they deemed to be “undesirable” and “not undesirable” literature. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die manier waarop die sensuurraad tydens die apartheidera gereageer het op die werk van drie swart bevrydingsteoretici, by name Frantz Fanon, Amilcar Cabral en Steve Biko. Hoewel daar wel ander studies oor apartheidera‐sensuur die gepubliseer is, is hierdie die eerste studie wat die sensuurraad se reaksie op die werk van sleutel‐Afrikabevrydingskrywers verken. Apartheid het ‘n streng beheerstelsel in Suid‐Afrika tot gevolg gehad wat ‘n sensuurraad ingesluit het wat volgens sy interpretasie van die toenmalige wette kon besluit of ‘n publikasie “wenslik” of “nie‐wenslik” was. Een van die hooftemas wat in hierdie tesis ondersoek word is die interaksie en spanning tussen die spesifieke en die transnasionale. Soos sal blyk, het al drie bevrydingsteoretici Pan‐Afrikanistiese idees van bevryding ondersteun, maar dikwels die besondere van hul spesifieke bevrydingstryd uiteengesit. Die apartheidera‐sensors se kommer oor die verspreiding van die Pan‐ Afrikanistiese bevrydingsteorië, terwyl hulle die idee van Suid‐Afrika as “’n spesiale geval” (vrygestel van die norme van internasionale menseregtewetgewing) voorgehou het, was ‘n ironiese spieëlbeeld hiervan. Ek begin by Fanon en bespiegel oor die redes waarom Black Skin White Masks nooit in Suid‐Afrika verbied was nie hoewel Fanon se latere werk wat die land binnegekom het, wel verbied was. Ek ondersoek ook Gillo Pontecorvo se film The Battle of Algiers wat deur Fanon se teorië beïnvloed is, en argumenteer dat die “waarskynlike lesers” en “waarskynlike kykers” van revolusionêre materiaal nie slegs moontlike revolusionêre ingesluit het nie, maar ook paranoïede netwerke van teeninsurgensie. Ek gaan voort deur die reaksie van die apartheidera‐sensors op die werke van Amilcar Cabral te ondersoek en die interaksie en spanning tussen die plaaslike en die kontinentale, soos hierbo beskryf, uit te lig. Die slothoofstuk, wat handel oor die sensuurraad se reaksie op Steve “Bantu” Biko se I Write What I Like, asook Donald Woods se Biko, die film Cry Freedom en ander Biko‐verwante tekste en memorabilia, bevat verrassings omtrent die sogenaamde “liberale” sensors se reaksies op wat hulle as “wenslike” en “nie‐wenslike” literatuur beskou het.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2005Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:50:41Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 bertochi_af_me_mar.pdf: 465608 bytes, checksum: 44078e06f2f629c4b5610084283ddb80 (MD5) / Esta pesquisa objetiva resgatar a formação teórica e política do comunista de esquerda Nikolai Ivanovitch Bukhárin, por meio da análise de suas obras, como da consulta às obras de Lenin, de historiadores e de comentadores, visando a compreensão do processo de transicão direta ao comunismo na URSS, entre 1918-1921. Por meio de sua profícua produção política Bukhárin foi um dos teóricos bolcheviques que mais contribuiu, entre 1912 até 1921, ao lado de Lenin, para o aprofundamento das questões do imperialismo, do Estado e da transição, particularmente, da soviética, no interior das correntes marxistas contemporâneas. Foi a partir da elaboração de sua teoria sobre o imperialismo e, posteriormente, também da de Lenin, que se formaram, nas correntes marxistas contemporâneas, as concepções atuais que embasam a compreensão teórica do imperialismo e da globalização. Autor de teses originais e muito polêmicas, Bukhárin foi durante boa parte de sua vida membro e um dos líderes do grupo dos comunistas de esquerda, e esteve em frontal oposição às propostas e idéias de Lenin, em diversas circunstâncias. Porém, isso nunca foi motivo suficiente para provocar uma ruptura efetiva entre ambos. Mas, ao contrário, estes debates contribuíram muito para o amadurecimento do pensamento teórico destes dois importantes formuladores da primeira tentativa concreta de transição ao socialismo, buscada durante a constituição da URSS. / This research goals to redeem the left communist Nikolai Ivanovitch Bukhárin theoretical and politics education, analyzing his works and historians like Lenin, to understand the process of direct transition to the communism in URSS, between 1918 -1921. Bukharin was one of the bolcheviques theoretical who contributes between 1912 - 1921 by Lenin's side to imperialism and State questions, about present Marxism works. After his theory about imperialism (and also, after Lenin theory about the same subject), it raises present conceptions about imperialism and globalization. Author of polemics and originals thesis, he was member and leader of the left communist group and was against Lenin ideas many time. However, this thing was never a reason to break it other. On the contrary, these debates has a hand in rise of Lenin and Burkhárin theoretical think. Both of than were creators of first right tentative of the transition until socialism during the URSS constitution.