Texte remanié de--Tesis doctoral. / Notes bibliogr.

Els fets d’octubre de 1934 han estat una de les qüestions més polèmiques i difícils d’interpretar de la història de la Segona República a Catalunya. Aquesta tesi planteja una caracterització de l’octubre català que, al costat de l’acció del govern català i el conflicte institucional, tingui present la totalitat de dimensions i la diversitat de components del mateix. Partint del reconeixement del caràcter multiforme i de que la mobilització d’octubre s’explica pel temor de les forces de l’esquerra de que l’ascens al govern de la CEDA conduís a l’aniquilació de la República democràtica, és planteja una explicació dels fets que tingui present que el moviment insurreccional es va nodrir de la fractura social i la confrontació sociopolítica, i del temor a perdre els guanys socials aconseguits i les expectatives que bona part de les classes subalternes consideraven possible realitzar aprofundint o anant més enllà de la República del 14 d’abril. D’aquesta manera, al llarg de la tesi s’analitza tant l’acció del govern català i el conflicte institucional com, especialment, la dimensió social i popular del 6 d’octubre a través de l’acció del moviment obrer, els rabassaires i pagesos pobres, les bases del republicanisme esquerrà i la repressió posterior a la desfeta. / The events of October 1934 have been one of the most controversial and difficult to explain issues of the history of the Second Republic in Catalonia. This dissertation presents an explanation and a description of the Catalan October that, along with the action of the Catalan government and the institutional conflict, provides all its dimensions and its diversity of components. Based on the multiform nature of the mobilization and that the events of October have to explained by the fear of the left forces that the rise in the government of CEDA would lead to the annihilation of the democratic Republic, this thesis presents an explanation of the events of October focused on the social conflict and socio-political confrontation, and on the fear of losing the profits made and the expectations that many of the subaltern classes considered possible through deepening or going beyond the Republic of April 14. The dissertation analyzes thus the action of the Catalan government and the institutional conflict but especially the social and popular dimension of October 6 through the action of the working class movement, the “rabassaires” and poor peasants, the basis of left Catalanist republicanism and the repression after the defeat.

Thesis (Honors)--College of William and Mary, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 75-78). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (M.S.)--Rochester Institute of Technology, 2007. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-109).

Orientador: Leandro de Oliveira Galastri / Banca: Rodrigo Duarte Fernandes dos Passos / Banca: Aruã Silva de Lima / Resumo: A presente pesquisa trata-se de um estudo sobre a estratégia revolucionaria da classe operária a partir das polêmicas e convergências entre duas personalidades que representaram as tendências revolucionarias da classe operária espanhola: Leon Trotsky e Andreu Nin. Ambos os teóricos e dirigentes políticos marxistas, tinham em comum a luta pela revolução socialista e a oposição à burocratização da URSS. O primeiro se transformando em líder da Quarta Internacional, e o segundo em líder do POUM. / Abstract: This research is a study on the revolutionary strategy of the working class from the controversies and convergences between two personalities who represented the revolutionary tendencies of the Spanish working class: Leon Trotsky and Andreu Nin. These Marxist theorists and political leaders had in common the struggle for the socialist revolution and the opposition to the bureaucratization of the USSR. The first became the leader of the Fourth International, and the second the leader of the POUM. / Mestre

El largo viaje/The Long Journey deals with the cultural politics of the Communist Party of Spain from 1920, when Communism first emerged in the country, until 1939, when the Spanish Civil War ended. The aim of this dissertation is two-fold. On the one hand, by looking at the Party's cultural discourse, its attempts to provide the working class with a political education, and its relationship with communist intellectuals, it aims at explaining the Party's evolution from its original proletarian line in the early 1920s to its democratic line in the mid-1930s, after it joined the anti-fascist Popular Front alliance. On the other, it aims at investigating how, between the years of 1936 and 1938, the Communist Party ended up fulfilling the democratic revolutionary dream of the Spanish bourgeoisie. Through its work in the Ministry of Public Instruction, the Party brought back to life the cultural discourse and aspirations which the reformist and Republican bourgeoisie had been holding on to since the mid- and late nineteenth century. In doing that, Spanish Communists were using cultural practice to further advance the cause of the democratic revolution, and, perhaps more importantly, to make the Spanish people full participants in that revolution for the very first time.

The thesis which follows is, as the title suggests, a general study of the Right in Spain from the beginning of the Second Republic in April 1931 until the outbreak of the Civil War in July 1936. Pride of place has been given to the <u>CEDA</u> (and its antecedents <u>Acción Nacional</u> and <u>Acción Popular</u>) because this was the biggest and most important of the parties of the Right during the Republic. The terra 'Right' has been taken to signify those parties which did not proclaim themselves Republican, i.e. principally the Catholic CEDA, the Monarchist groups and the 'Fascist' <u>Falonge</u>. Consideration has also been given to two important institutions usually believed to be 'on the Right': the Church and the Army. Although some information on the Right has appeared in various books, no attempt at a comprehensive study has hitherto been made. Galindo Herrero's <u>Los partidos monárquicos bajo la aegunda República</u> (1936) deals inadequately with the Monarchist parties. Professor Payne'a study of the <u>Falange</u> does not satisfactorily place the movement in the context of the other Rightist movements with which it quarrelled or was from time to time connected. The same author's work on the Army (<u>Politics and the Military in Modern Spain</u>), was published just before this thesis went to the typist, as were the biographies of Franco by Crosier and Hills. Professor Sánchez's book on the Church and the Republic, <u>Reform and Reaction</u>, appeared in 1964, two years after work on this thesis began. Concentration on the <u>CEDA</u> in this thesis is felt by the writer to be fUlly justified, not only because of that party's size and importance for the history of the Republic, but also because it has hitherto been so neglected by historians. Only one book in any language deals with it - Monge Bernal's <u>Acción Popular</u> - and it is an 'authorized' history written by a party member at the end of 1935. Neglect of the party's history is perhaps attributable to the fact that its leaders were <u>personae non gratae</u> both to the Left and to the victors in the Civil War. The purpose of this thesis is therefore to try and provide a comprehensive study of the Right during the Republic. The thesis endeavours to explain why the various parties existed, to trace the development of each of them and to give an account of relations between them. The attitude of each to the Church and to the Army (and <u>vice versa</u>) is also discussed. An attempt is also made to examine and explain the policies, ideology and strength of each and, so far as is possible, to indicate socially and geographically whence came their supporters. The absence of adequate biographical information has however hindered a proper study of the economic interests represented by them. This thesis also constitutes an attempt to set the Right's activities firmly within the broader context of the history of the Republic and the events leading up to the Civil War. For this reason the chronological approach adopted would seem to be justified: the events of the years 1931-1936 in Spain are comparable in their complexity to those of, for example, the years 1789-1799 in France. Furthermore, the activities and development of the Right were to a considerable extent dictated by this kaleidoscopic sequence of events in which, by and large, the Left held the initiative.

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La presente Tesis doctoral se divide en tres bloques bien diferenciados: en el primero se trazan las líneas maestras de la realidad social, económica y política imperante en la provincia de Santa Cruz de Tenerife durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. En el segundo, se aborda el desarrollo de las instituciones políticas (municipales, insulares, provinciales y nacionales) a lo largo del periodo tomando como hilo conductor la supervivencia del clientelismo y el caciquismo sobre el que se asienta el sistema. En el tercero, se estudian todas las manifestaciones de oposición surgidas contra un régimen que margina y oprime a gran parte de la población, tanto en el campo como en la ciudad, aglutinando a todas las orientaciones políticas catalogadas bajo el, tan amplio como confuso, concepto de "izquierdas". Dentro de él tiene una relevancia especial el análisis y caracterización de la resistencia y represión surgida tras la sublevación militar del 18 de julio de 1936. / Title of Thesis: THE PROVINCE OF SANTA CRUZ DE TENERIFE BETWEEN TWO DICTATORSHIPS (1923-1945). HUNGER AND ORDER. The doctoral thesis is divided into three blocks. In the first are traced the main points of the social, economic and political conditions in the province of Santa Cruz de Tenerife in the first half of the twentieth century. In the second section, is raised the development of political institutions (municipal, insular, provincial and national) during the examined period, taking as a common theme the survival of patronage system and chieftainship. In the third section, I study the opposition emerged against a regime that marginalizes the great majority of the population, both in the country and in the city, uniting all the political directions laid under the concept of the left-wing. The analysis of the repression emerged after the military uprising of July the 18th, 1936, has special relevance. The traditionally dominant class in the province (large landowners and merchants, enriched with the export of bananas) through its network of clientele, dominated all political structures in the province, since the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera. They kept political control during the Second Republic, holding back social reforms in areas where power was lost, and got involved in the coup of July the 18th, 1936, being restored back into the institutions that govern public life.