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Cette thèse doctorale constitue la première étude approfondie sur l'implication du mouvement social-démocrate international dans la Guerre civile espagnole. Nous y dressons un portrait vivant du mouvement socialiste où les sphères nationale, internationale, politique et syndicale sont en constante interaction, puis nous démontrons comment, à partir de cet ensemble, s'est définie et s'est traduite en termes concrets la solidarité avec la République espagnole. Notre démarche vise d'une part à combler les lacunes d'une historiographie s'étant seulement attardée à l'Internationale socialiste dans l'entre-deux-guerres, si ce n'est pour expliquer sa banqueroute. Elle cherche d'autre part à remédier à la « vision tunnélaire » caractérisant les études sur le socialisme et la Guerre civile espagnole, et qui priorise les enjeux nationaux. Afin de remettre les choses en contexte, nous reconstituons les débats internationaux du mouvement socialiste portant sur les volets politique et matériel de la campagne de solidarité. Dans la partie consacrée au volet politique, nous démontrons comment les débats menant à l'adoption d'une politique commune pour l'Espagne se déroulent de façon complémentaire dans les sphères nationale et internationale du socialisme – et non pas de façon antinomique telle que l'a laissé croire l'historiographie. La seconde partie, elle, traite de la campagne matérielle et explique pourquoi elle est passée inaperçue. Bref, en remettant en question la notion de repli national du socialisme international dans les années trente ainsi que son inertie face à la crise espagnole, et en rapportant ses réalisations, et non seulement ses défaillances, nous fournissons un apport novateur et significatif à l’histoire politique de l’entre-deux-guerres.

Silenced for almost half a century, testimonies of those who lost the Spanish Civil War are now surfacing and being published. The origin of this dissertation was the chance discovery that Martín Herrera de Mendoza, a Spanish Civil War exile living in the United States, was truly a Catalonian anarchist named Antonio Vidal Arabí. This double identity was a cover for the political activist dedicated to the fight for change in the anarchist workers’ union CNT (National Confederation of Workers) and the FAI (Federation of Iberian Anarchists). He founded the FAI chapter in Santa Cruz de Tenerife and planned a failed assassination attempt on General Franco’s life in an effort to avoid the military takeover in 1936. This dissertation is the reconstruction of Antonio Vidal Arabí’s life narrative. It is based on the texts written during his seventeen-month stay as a refugee in Great Britain. Copies of his writings were left in a suitcase with a fellow anarchist who he instructed to have sent to his family upon his death. In 1989, “The English Suitcase” was delivered to his children in Barcelona. Based on his own account, this study follows his service as an intelligence agent for the Spanish Republic during the War. When it was over, he attempted to evacuate his family from France, to save them from the threat of the Nazi invasion and reunite with them in England or America. The analysis of the letters he wrote to his wife and children in France documents how he hid from Franco’s spies using his dual identity. In his letters, always signed as Martín Herrera de Mendoza, he invents a persona in order to help his family. The present study narrates his transformation into the persona he created and the events that brought about his translation into his “other.” Antonio Vidal Arabí’s bilinguism and biculturality is underlined as the main factors in his change into Martín Herrera de Mendoza. His was a voyage into exile documented by his own words; a story of survival and reinvention. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2017. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

(In Spanish) The Spanish Civil war isn't over in the hearts and minds of the people of Spain; rather, it is still being fought in the ideological realm of historical memory. Originally explored in literature and film, the theme of historical memory has not only become more visible and more explicit, but has taken the leap from art and literature into the political realm to become one of Spain's most pressing political issues.

A presente dissertação apresenta uma reflexão sobre a relação Cinema-História. O cinema encontrou dificuldades para ser aceito como fonte pelos historiadores, devido à caracterização e à qualificação desta fonte, bem como pelo seu despreparo para analisá-las. Este trabalho problematiza a relação cinema-história, suas possibilidades de interação e reflete sobre estas desde a perspectiva do trabalho do historiador e do seu fazer historiográfico. Parte-se da premissa de que o historiador não pode fechar os olhos para o cinema, seus desafios e os diferentes usos e abusos realizados com a história. Renunciar ao debate e à reflexão implica na perda da função social e política que o fazer historiográfico carrega e dele somos indissociável. Esta dissertação propõe a elaboração de um método de análise Históricocinematográfico, buscando sintetizar as reflexões de diferentes autores das áreas da História e do Cinema. Nossa análise toma como base três filmes que abordam o contexto da Guerra Civil Espanhola. O primeiro filme, ¡Ay, Carmela! (Carlos Saura, 1990), enfoca o conflito através dos dramas e desejos de três atores “mambembes” e sua luta pela sobrevivência. Esta película permite abordar as inter-relações entre arte e guerra e entre o humor presente na atuação dos personagens e nos seus números apresentados frente ao horror de uma guerra e seus traumas. Também são destacados no filme os brigadistas, a presença fascista italiana e o processo de internacionalização do conflito. O segundo filme, Terra e Liberdade (Ken Loach, 1995), aborda a participação e o papel das milícias e, principalmente, as divisões políticas que se formaram no interior do campo republicano (ou antifascista) durante a guerra. O filme permite uma discussão sobre o debate político no interior da esquerda e o contexto no qual é retratado. O terceiro filme, Libertárias (Vicente Aranda, 1996) aborda a atuação das milícias anarquistas no front da Guerra Civil através da história da freira Maria e sua trajetória com um grupo de combatentes anarquistas, retratadas sob um ponto-de-vista coletivo, sem que um personagem assuma um protagonismo principal. A conclusão apresenta elementos comparativos das três películas e reflete sobre a relação Cinema-História e suas implicações na contemporaneidade. / This thesis presents a reflection on the relation between Cinema and History. The cinema had difficulty being accepted by historians as a source because of the characterization and qualification of this source, as well as their unwillingness to consider them. This paper discusses the relation between cinema and history and its ability of interaction. It ponders on the subject from the perspective of the historian's work and its historiographical doings. The discussion starts with the premise that the historian can not shut his eyes to the cinema, its challenges and different uses and abuses committed against history. To renounce debate and reflection implies on the loss of the social and political function that the historiographical doing carries, and we are inseparable from it. This thesis proposes the development of a filmhistory method of analysis, seeking to synthesize the reflections of different authors in the areas of History and Cinema. Our analysis is based on three films that address the context of the Spanish Civil War. The first movie is, ¡Ay, Carmela! (Carlos Saura, 1990), which focuses on the conflict through the dramas and desires of three stage actors and their struggle for survival. This film allows us to study the interrelations between art and war and between the humor in the characters’ actions and their plays against the horror of war and its traumas. The brigade and the presence of Italian fascists during the process of internationalization of the conflict are also highlighted by the film. The second film, Land and Freedom (Ken Loach, 1995), addresses the role of the militias and especially the political divisions that emerged within the Republican camp (or fascist) during the war. The film allows a discussion on the political debate within the left and the context in which it is portrayed. The third film, Freedomfighters (Vicente Aranda, 1996) discusses the role of the anarchist militias in the Civil War front through the story of the nun Maria and her journey with a group of anarchist fighters, depicted from a collective point of view without any character on a leading role. The conclusion presents comparative elements of the three films and reflects on the Cinema- History relation and its implications for contemporary society.

A presente dissertação apresenta uma reflexão sobre a relação Cinema-História. O cinema encontrou dificuldades para ser aceito como fonte pelos historiadores, devido à caracterização e à qualificação desta fonte, bem como pelo seu despreparo para analisá-las. Este trabalho problematiza a relação cinema-história, suas possibilidades de interação e reflete sobre estas desde a perspectiva do trabalho do historiador e do seu fazer historiográfico. Parte-se da premissa de que o historiador não pode fechar os olhos para o cinema, seus desafios e os diferentes usos e abusos realizados com a história. Renunciar ao debate e à reflexão implica na perda da função social e política que o fazer historiográfico carrega e dele somos indissociável. Esta dissertação propõe a elaboração de um método de análise Históricocinematográfico, buscando sintetizar as reflexões de diferentes autores das áreas da História e do Cinema. Nossa análise toma como base três filmes que abordam o contexto da Guerra Civil Espanhola. O primeiro filme, ¡Ay, Carmela! (Carlos Saura, 1990), enfoca o conflito através dos dramas e desejos de três atores “mambembes” e sua luta pela sobrevivência. Esta película permite abordar as inter-relações entre arte e guerra e entre o humor presente na atuação dos personagens e nos seus números apresentados frente ao horror de uma guerra e seus traumas. Também são destacados no filme os brigadistas, a presença fascista italiana e o processo de internacionalização do conflito. O segundo filme, Terra e Liberdade (Ken Loach, 1995), aborda a participação e o papel das milícias e, principalmente, as divisões políticas que se formaram no interior do campo republicano (ou antifascista) durante a guerra. O filme permite uma discussão sobre o debate político no interior da esquerda e o contexto no qual é retratado. O terceiro filme, Libertárias (Vicente Aranda, 1996) aborda a atuação das milícias anarquistas no front da Guerra Civil através da história da freira Maria e sua trajetória com um grupo de combatentes anarquistas, retratadas sob um ponto-de-vista coletivo, sem que um personagem assuma um protagonismo principal. A conclusão apresenta elementos comparativos das três películas e reflete sobre a relação Cinema-História e suas implicações na contemporaneidade. / This thesis presents a reflection on the relation between Cinema and History. The cinema had difficulty being accepted by historians as a source because of the characterization and qualification of this source, as well as their unwillingness to consider them. This paper discusses the relation between cinema and history and its ability of interaction. It ponders on the subject from the perspective of the historian's work and its historiographical doings. The discussion starts with the premise that the historian can not shut his eyes to the cinema, its challenges and different uses and abuses committed against history. To renounce debate and reflection implies on the loss of the social and political function that the historiographical doing carries, and we are inseparable from it. This thesis proposes the development of a filmhistory method of analysis, seeking to synthesize the reflections of different authors in the areas of History and Cinema. Our analysis is based on three films that address the context of the Spanish Civil War. The first movie is, ¡Ay, Carmela! (Carlos Saura, 1990), which focuses on the conflict through the dramas and desires of three stage actors and their struggle for survival. This film allows us to study the interrelations between art and war and between the humor in the characters’ actions and their plays against the horror of war and its traumas. The brigade and the presence of Italian fascists during the process of internationalization of the conflict are also highlighted by the film. The second film, Land and Freedom (Ken Loach, 1995), addresses the role of the militias and especially the political divisions that emerged within the Republican camp (or fascist) during the war. The film allows a discussion on the political debate within the left and the context in which it is portrayed. The third film, Freedomfighters (Vicente Aranda, 1996) discusses the role of the anarchist militias in the Civil War front through the story of the nun Maria and her journey with a group of anarchist fighters, depicted from a collective point of view without any character on a leading role. The conclusion presents comparative elements of the three films and reflects on the Cinema- History relation and its implications for contemporary society.

A presente dissertação apresenta uma reflexão sobre a relação Cinema-História. O cinema encontrou dificuldades para ser aceito como fonte pelos historiadores, devido à caracterização e à qualificação desta fonte, bem como pelo seu despreparo para analisá-las. Este trabalho problematiza a relação cinema-história, suas possibilidades de interação e reflete sobre estas desde a perspectiva do trabalho do historiador e do seu fazer historiográfico. Parte-se da premissa de que o historiador não pode fechar os olhos para o cinema, seus desafios e os diferentes usos e abusos realizados com a história. Renunciar ao debate e à reflexão implica na perda da função social e política que o fazer historiográfico carrega e dele somos indissociável. Esta dissertação propõe a elaboração de um método de análise Históricocinematográfico, buscando sintetizar as reflexões de diferentes autores das áreas da História e do Cinema. Nossa análise toma como base três filmes que abordam o contexto da Guerra Civil Espanhola. O primeiro filme, ¡Ay, Carmela! (Carlos Saura, 1990), enfoca o conflito através dos dramas e desejos de três atores “mambembes” e sua luta pela sobrevivência. Esta película permite abordar as inter-relações entre arte e guerra e entre o humor presente na atuação dos personagens e nos seus números apresentados frente ao horror de uma guerra e seus traumas. Também são destacados no filme os brigadistas, a presença fascista italiana e o processo de internacionalização do conflito. O segundo filme, Terra e Liberdade (Ken Loach, 1995), aborda a participação e o papel das milícias e, principalmente, as divisões políticas que se formaram no interior do campo republicano (ou antifascista) durante a guerra. O filme permite uma discussão sobre o debate político no interior da esquerda e o contexto no qual é retratado. O terceiro filme, Libertárias (Vicente Aranda, 1996) aborda a atuação das milícias anarquistas no front da Guerra Civil através da história da freira Maria e sua trajetória com um grupo de combatentes anarquistas, retratadas sob um ponto-de-vista coletivo, sem que um personagem assuma um protagonismo principal. A conclusão apresenta elementos comparativos das três películas e reflete sobre a relação Cinema-História e suas implicações na contemporaneidade. / This thesis presents a reflection on the relation between Cinema and History. The cinema had difficulty being accepted by historians as a source because of the characterization and qualification of this source, as well as their unwillingness to consider them. This paper discusses the relation between cinema and history and its ability of interaction. It ponders on the subject from the perspective of the historian's work and its historiographical doings. The discussion starts with the premise that the historian can not shut his eyes to the cinema, its challenges and different uses and abuses committed against history. To renounce debate and reflection implies on the loss of the social and political function that the historiographical doing carries, and we are inseparable from it. This thesis proposes the development of a filmhistory method of analysis, seeking to synthesize the reflections of different authors in the areas of History and Cinema. Our analysis is based on three films that address the context of the Spanish Civil War. The first movie is, ¡Ay, Carmela! (Carlos Saura, 1990), which focuses on the conflict through the dramas and desires of three stage actors and their struggle for survival. This film allows us to study the interrelations between art and war and between the humor in the characters’ actions and their plays against the horror of war and its traumas. The brigade and the presence of Italian fascists during the process of internationalization of the conflict are also highlighted by the film. The second film, Land and Freedom (Ken Loach, 1995), addresses the role of the militias and especially the political divisions that emerged within the Republican camp (or fascist) during the war. The film allows a discussion on the political debate within the left and the context in which it is portrayed. The third film, Freedomfighters (Vicente Aranda, 1996) discusses the role of the anarchist militias in the Civil War front through the story of the nun Maria and her journey with a group of anarchist fighters, depicted from a collective point of view without any character on a leading role. The conclusion presents comparative elements of the three films and reflects on the Cinema- History relation and its implications for contemporary society.

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In “Documents of Revolution” I compare various non-fiction prose genres with incipient journalistic media, including scrapbooks, photographs, films and radio poems, to explore the new internationalisms that emerged during the Spanish Civil War. Many studies of the war have prioritized visiting authors and their experience of travelling Spain. By contrast, I show how local critics, writers, and poets, such as the anarchist filmmaker Mateo Santos, the memoirist María Teresa León, and the poet Miguel Hernández, were crucial intermediaries between Spanish working-class oral cultures and foreign visiting authors, such as George Orwell, Nancy Cunard, Langston Hughes and Nicolás Guillén. I describe three modes of relation between intellectual elites and the working class: occupying, broadcasting, and archiving. By reading for the living internationalism of the working-class, I unearth various internationalisms (anarchist, Black Hispanophone, and feminist-humanitarian) that have not received due attention. These overlapping networks and diasporas ensured that the revolutionary and multimedia documentary poetics of the war disseminated far beyond Spain’s borders.

Spanish Republican philosophers in exile defended the Second Republic, legally proclaimed on April 14, 1931. They embraced the anti-fascist cause rising in the 1920s and the 1930s in Europe. During the Civil War, which lasted three years, they stood among the people. 1939 saw the victory of General Francisco Franco, supported by Nazi Germany and the Italy of Mussolini. Threatened with death, they had no choice but to escape from Spain. Some intellectuals experienced French concentration camps but, for the most part, they found refuge in Latin America, especially in Mexico and Venezuela. In exile, they swore to remain loyal to the Second Republic and to the spirit of the Spanish people. Moved by liberal views and humane ideals, these philosophers belonged to the vanquished, as those everywhere in Europe who rose against Fascist barbarity. As a result, their respective works are still widely unknown today – despite relentless efforts made to promote their thought to a larger audience for over half a century. In addition to the historical context of crisis during the interwar period, the situation of Spanish philosophy itself is suggestive. Indeed, Spanish philosophy was institutionalised at the beginning of the twentieth century only: the Schools of Madrid and Barcelona were created. These politics of cultural and intellectual renovation are first bestowed upon the generation of philosophers I study, born in the 1900s. When the Spanish War erupts, they had become professionals of international recognition. This shows the actual limits of academic philosophy, incapable of acknowledging unorthodox ways of philosophising. The experience of exile itself serves in my opinion as a catalyst: Spanish Republican philosophers in exile seek emancipation from academic conventions to philosophise freely; that is, in Spanish and according to the spirit of the people. No doubt “poetic reason” – the true invention of Spanish Republican exile – stems from this ideal of autonomous thinking.