Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CD 1 - HIS - Celia Aparecida de Souza.pdf: 3398723 bytes, checksum: 26cf8b444c0cf86e545166fa484dc641 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-09-26 / This paperwork has the objective of examining some aspects related to IDORT - Institute of Work Rational Organisation created in 1931, with the aim, in the beginning, of rationalise the work in private companies. We can see, however, that this Institute rationalised the services of Public Administration of the State Government with the help of one of their most expressive members, Armando de Salles Oliveira, its honour president. On the same occasion, we saw that the IDORT has become a well known Institute in many Brazilian states due to the quality of its services and the intense publicity of its magazines, which led a increase in the quantity of partners interested in hire their services. Its performance, however, it was not localised just in the participation of the political society where we verify the significant performance of the IDORT people in the Constituent of 1934, in the Ministry of Exterior Relations, in the Technical Counsellors and also in the discussions that ended up creating the DASP- Administration Department of Public Services. Although there are many researches about the period due to its importance to the understanding of the Brazilian State reorganisation, in the after 1930, our research had the objective of contributing to another way of seeing the construction of a hegemony of a burgess industrial class fraction, represented by the IDORT. / Este trabalho pretende examinar alguns aspectos relacionados ao IDORT Instituto De Organização Racional do Trabalho criado em 1931, cujo objetivo, a princípio, era racionalizar o trabalho nas empresas privadas. Verificamos, no entanto, que este Instituto racionalizou os serviços da Administração Pública do Estado de São Paulo, por meio da RAGE Reorganização Administrativa do Governo Estado com o auxílio de um de seus mais expressivos integrantes, Armando de Salles Oliveira, seu presidente de honra. Nesta mesma ocasião, constatamos que o IDORT havia se tornado um Instituto conhecido em vários estados brasileiros, devido à qualidade de seus serviços e a intensa divulgação de suas revistas, o que propiciou um aumento na quantidade de sócios interessados em contratar seus serviços. Sua atuação, portanto, não se restringia apenas à participação de seus sócios na sociedade civil, por esta razão, nossa investigação se estendeu à sociedade política onde verificamos a significativa atuação de idortianos na Constituinte de 1934, no Ministério das Relações Exteriores, nos Conselhos Técnicos e também nas discussões que culminaram com a criação do DASP Departamento de Administração dos Serviços Públicos. Embora haja diversos estudos sobre este período devido sua importância para o entendimento da reorganização do Estado Brasileiro, no pós 1930, nosso trabalho objetivou contribuir lançando um novo olhar sobre a construção de uma hegemonia da fração de classe da burguesia industrial, representada pelo IDORT.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Adalberto de Paula Paranhos.pdf: 1672988 bytes, checksum: fd6dd53ce1c6dd1f16f7d592ff2996fd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-06-03 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O cerco do silêncio que a ditadura do Estado Novo montou em torno das práticas e discursos que pudessem destoar das normas então instituídas levou muita gente, por muito tempo, a acreditar no triunfo de um pretenso coro da unanimidade nacional . Caminhando na contramão dessa corrente, que estende seu alcance aos domínios da música popular, esta tese procura levantar uma parte do véu que encobre manifestações que desafinaram o coro dos contentes durante o regime estado-novista. Seu foco são as vozes destoantes do samba produzido à época, apesar da férrea censura dos organismos oficiais (particularmente do DIP, Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda). Sitiados pelas forças conservadoras, nem por isso todos os compositores populares se deixaram apanhar na rede do culto ao trabalho propagado pela ideologia do trabalhismo. Falas dissonantes repontaram aqui e ali, evidenciando que, por mais ditatorial ou supostamente totalitário que seja esse ou aquele regime, nunca se consegue calar por inteiro as divergências ou as diferenças. Ao se trabalhar com a canção como documento histórico, alargam-se, portanto, as possibilidades de questionar o olhar predominante lançado pela historiografia sobre a chamada ditadura Vargas . Quando não nos prendemos à superfície dos fatos, que inflaciona as aparências, e partimos para a investigação concreta da produção fonográfica do período, a situação muda de figura. Sem pretender negar a adesão espontânea, forçada ou interesseira de muitos compositores aos valores incensados pelo Estado Novo , o que se percebe é que foram as mais variadas as formas de expressão assumidas por aqueles que de modo mais ou menos sutil, conforme as circunstâncias não se afinavam pelo diapasão da ditadura. Para alcançar tal propósito, este trabalho se inicia com um balanço crítico sobre uma parcela da historiografia que se ocupou do Estado Novo e rediscute certas concepções teóricas sobre as quais ela se apoiou. Na seqüência, examina o discurso musical dos sambistas que concorreram decisivamente para a invenção do samba como símbolo musical da nacionalidade e destaca os estreitos vínculos tecidos entre o samba e a malandragem. Por fim, ingressa na parte capital desta tese, que envolve as vozes destoantes sob um regime de ordem-unida. A ênfase, então, é posta na produção musical entre 1940 e 1945, quando, sob o império do DIP, o campo da música popular, segundo muitos autores, se teria transformado numa espécie de caixa de ressonância da pregação governamental. Com base na escuta atenta de milhares de gravações que correspondem ao período de constituição do novo samba urbano carioca, foi avaliado um conjunto de elementos, numa análise que, passando pelos arranjos, pela performance dos intérpretes, não ficou refém tão-somente da literalidade da mensagem contida nas letras das canções, por mais importantes que estas sejam.

Este trabalho analisa como foi a repercussão do suicídio do presidente Getúlio Vargas no jornal Correio do Povo de Porto Alegre na semana subseqüente ao fato acontecido na manhã do dia 24 de agosto de 1954. Este trabalho também estuda como se deu o processo de mitificação post-mortem de Getúlio Vargas, através da análise das reportagens, artigos, discursos e mensagens ―A pedido‖ publicadas no periódico em questão. Buscou-se uma metodologia adequada pra se trabalhar com as fontes e, sobretudo, uma teoria que abarcasse temas como: processo de mitificação e mito político, especificamente sobre o mito político Getúlio Vargas consolidado nacionalmente durante o Estado Novo, de 1937 a 1945, como atesta a historiografia. Destaca-se o episódio da morte trágica como o elemento que distingue o processo de mitificação post-mortem dos demais momentos de mitificação de Vargas. Outro importante aspecto deste trabalho são os discursos fúnebres publicados pelo jornal porto-alegrense: as falas de Osvaldo Aranha e João Goulart proferidas em frente ao esquife no dia do enterro do ex-presidente e a fala do deputado Rui Ramos proferida na Capital Federal no mesmo dia fatídico que o são-borjense pôs termo a própria vida. Ao longo dessas falas destacamos também a do ilustre morto que ecoava de sua carta testamento, usada como recurso retórico nas manifestações fúnebres. Além dessas falas destacam-se também a posição da UDN e da Igreja Católica, como instituições que não sacralizavam a figura de Vargas morto. / This work analyses the impact of President Getulio Vargas‘ suicide in the newspaper Correio do Povo from Porto Alegre during the succeeding week after the morning of August 24, 1954. Moreover, it examines through published reports, articles, speeches and ―requested messages‖ how occurred the post-mortem mythification of Vargas. A suitable methodology and theory were used to address the sources on topics such as: process of mythification and political myth, specifically on the nationally consolidated Vargas‘ political myth during the Estado Novo period, from 1937 to 1945, as historiography attests. The tragic death episode is highlighted as the element that distinguishes the process of post-mortem mythification from other moments of Vargas‘ mythification. Another important aspect of this work are the published eulogies in the newspaper of Porto Alegre: the speeches of João Goulart and Osvaldo Aranha occurred in front of the coffin at the funeral day and the speech of deputy Rui Ramos in the federal capital in the very same fateful day that President Vargas ended his own life. Along these speeches is also highlighted the illustrious speech of Getúlio which echoed from his suicide note, used as a rhetorical asset in mournful demonstrations. Beyond these speeches, the UDN and the Catholic Church perspectives are highlighted, as institutions that did not canonize the figure of the dead Vargas.

This dissertation examines the collegial and collaborative relationship between the Swiss-French writer Blaise Cendrars and the Brazilian writer Oswald de Andrade in the 1920s as an exemplar of shifting literary influence in the international modernist moment and examines how each writer’s later accounts of the modernist period diminished the other’s influential role, in revisionist histories that shaped later scholarship. In analyzing a broad range of source texts, published poems, fiction and essays as well as personal correspondence and preparatory materials, I identify several areas of likely mutual influence or literary cannibalism that defied contemporaneous expectations for literary production from European cultural capitals or from the global south. I argue that these expectations are reinforced by historical circumstances, including political and economic crises and cultural nationalism, and by tracing the changes in the authors’ accounts, I give a fuller narrative that is lacking in studies approaching either of the authors in a monolingual context.

Swedish postwar aid to Germany from 1945 to 1954 is described and analyzed, especially as an expression of Swedish attitudes developed over a long period of societal evolution. As early as 1943/44 both Swedish voluntary agencies and the Swedish government began to plan program of postwar aid to Germany. Older and more recent attitudes to Germany, the views of Germans living in exile in Sweden and the intentions of the Western allies toward a conquered Germany were central in determining the nature and scope of Swedish aid. Programs incorporated the values of traditional Christian charity, secularized philanthropy and applied methods developed for emergency aid abroad and for social assistance at home. The new concept of the welfare state, strong in Sweden at the time, led to aid also being aimed toward long-term socio-political goals. Children, young people, mothers, refugees, displaced persons and what was regarded as the German elite were the main recipients of various aid efforts. In the atmosphere of the Cold War, aid came to be increasingly directed to West Germany. Postwar aid, with Germany as the main non-Scandinavian recipient, was Sweden's first experience as a long-term aid donor. While the efforts of voluntary agencies were concen­trated abroad, the Swedish welfare state developed rapidly at home, leaving no room for privately sponsored social work. Even after 1950/54, therefore, the work of Swedish voluntary agencies was directed at needs abroad, mainly to so-called undeveloped countries outside Europe. The premises underlying such aid and its contents were largely the same as for postwar aid to Germany. / digitalisering@umu

Le présent mémoire traite de la représentation occidentale de la cruauté dans l'art contemporain chinois. Cet art extrême est apparu vers la fin des années 1990 sur la scène artistique chinoise. Une grande part des pratiques extrêmes des artistes chinois a été introduite en Occident au début des années 2000, suscitant de vives réactions. Trois expositions européennes constituent notre corpus de recherche: l'exposition Hors Limites en 1994, la 5e Biennale d'art contemporain de Lyon en 2000, et l'exposition Mahjong en 2005 à Berne (Suisse). Dans les trois expositions, la mise en scène de la cruauté par les artistes chinois a suscité débats et controverses, et dans certains cas, l'intervention des tribunaux. Les oeuvres litigieuses chinoises ont toutes été censurées: soit interdites d'exposition, soit remplacées par des photographies. Notre problématique porte sur le «déséquilibre implicite» (Sally Price) qui caractérise le traitement et la représentation de l'art contemporain chinois dans les expositions occidentales. Alors que les pratiques extrêmes occidentales (actionnisme viennois, body art...) font l'objet de controverses essentiellement esthétiques, on assiste à un glissement du registre esthétique au registre juridique lorsqu'il s'agit de l'art contemporain extrême chinois. En effet, les oeuvres chinoises ne semblent pas, à l'instar des oeuvres occidentales, jouir de la même autonomie artistique et leur sort ne dépend pas des commissaires et des critiques mais plutôt des avocats et des juges. Ce traitement juridique des oeuvres litigieuses chinoises renverse les principes esthétiques que l'Occident a établi depuis le XIXe siècle: la liberté artistique, l'autonomie de l'oeuvre, la possible transgression de la mimésis. L'universalité de la notion d'art se heurte ici au caractère prétendument extraordinaire de la culture chinoise. En fait, ces cas de censure révèlent les fantasmes que l'Occident n'a cessés de nourrir au cours de son histoire sur la Chine, et sur le lien consubstantiel que la culture chinoise entretiendrait avec la cruauté. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Art contemporain chinois, Art et cruauté, Art et censure, Huang Yong-ping, Xiao Yu, « Groupe Cadavre».

Both after World War I and during World War II Franz L. Neumann confronted the question of how to bring about a genuine democratization of Germany. In both instances he advocated an economic and social revolution in theory but in practice he acquiesced in the failure of the revolutionary forces. The inconsistencies in Neumann's theoretical works, his double emigration and his passage through the Office of Strategic Services witness the German-Jewish socialist's revolutionary dilemma and the cycle of repetition-displacement that both sustained and trapped him in his troubled position. The trademark of the OSS Research and Analysis Branch, which was to misrecognize a stylistic "neutrality" for an institutional one, suited Neumann's emigration tactic of fighting a political battle under the cover of scholarly discourse. At the same time, with that he accepted a neutralization of his "radical" agenda for post-war German de-nazification and re-democratization.

Our work is a feminist biography of Gabrielle Duchene (1870-1954), feminist activist, unionist, pacifist, antifascist, fellow traveller of the French Communist Party and an innovator as a propagandist. She represents one of the few personalities of the interwar period to symbolize the ideological congruence of these movements and to have tried to find a solution, another way, to the clash of their contradictions. All along her engagement, Gabrielle Duchene will make non-conventional choices. The objective of our research is to analyze her atypical reactions in order to put the multi-marginalization process into context and to understand all the influences in the creation of her amalgamated pacifism. The term 'multi-marginalization' is employed to name the exclusion or mistrust toward Gabrielle Duchene, openly expressed or not, by more than one social or political group. These exclusions generally come from the non-conformist reactions of Gabrielle Duchene. The example of her support to the Feminist Pacifist Congress held at The Hague, in 1915, is revealing: her choice is rejected by the majority of the French bourgeois feminists. What Gabrielle Duchene proposes to transcend the divisions with is her amalgamated pacifism: the fusion of the feminist, pacifist, antifascist (procommunist) principles, allowing to reconcile the points of view and the different methods of action in a common goal. / One of the most important factors of Gabrielle Duchene's activism is the impact of the Russian experience and the communist control on her integral pacifism. From 1927 to 1931, she develops a tinged pacifism, characterized by a change of rhetoric, influenced by the manipulation mechanisms put into place by the communists. As of 1932, she takes part in the antifascist movement, controlled by the communists, without however abandoning her feminist pacifism. The analysis of the different periods of activism of Gabrielle Duchene allows us to consider women's activities, still largely unexplored, in antifascist and communist history, and to demonstrate the convergence between the antifascist and the feminist pacifist movements in the 1930s. Moreover, our research takes a 'gendered' perspective. We use gender as an analytical tool, and not as an analytical category, in order to understand our subject as a sexualized being, whose activist and social experiences are defined by the inequalities resulting from this differentiation.

This thesis compares two contemporary artists who practice institutional criticism, Marcel Broodthaers and Fred Wilson. Looking specifically at Broodthaers's fictional museum project the Musee d Art Moderne, Departement des Aigles from 1968-1972 and Wilson's 1992 installation Mining the Museum at the Maryland Historical Society, this thesis will critically analyze each artist's similar application of deconstruction as a method. Both artists employ allegory and history as aesthetic strategies of deconstruction; using allegorical structure, the artists mobilize objects that have been arrested in history, disrupting a historical continuum that would otherwise remain foreclosed. The focus of this study will be to explore the critical approaches of Broodthaers and Wilson individually as well as the similar theoretical tendencies of the artists jointly; this investigation will assess the effect of institutional criticism on the museum's present condition, unfolding both what has changed and what is still at play within this practice.

Haji Agus Salim (1884--1954) was an Indonesian Muslim political figure of the Nationalist Era (1908--1945). He was influential in two important associations; Sarekat Islam (SI-Islamic Union) and the Jong Islamieten Bond (JIB-Young Muslim Union). Salim was born into religious family and had a Western education. In 1915 when he joined the Sarekat Islam it was at the height of its popularity. Salim became so engrossed with its goals, that he devoted most of his life to it. As such, he was soon able to obtain a high-ranking position in it, and to help formulate the movement's strategies. This thesis presents a number of Salim's positions on politics which show his disagreement and criticism of the Dutch Colonial policy and its effects, as well as his advocacy of an Islamic approach to politics rather than "socialism" as advocated by communist members of the SI. These views aimed at the paramount goal of freeing Indonesia from the Dutch colonialism. His views on "Nationalism" can be gleaned from his exchange of polemics with Sukarno, later president of Indonesia. These polemics portrayed Salim as a nationalist who would not depart from a religious viewpoint. Finally, his involvement with JIB was a continuation of his desire to implement and promote Islamic values among Young Indonesian Muslims of Western education, whom he regarded as the future leaders of the country.