Bohuslav Martinů's "Concerto for Oboe and Small Orchestra" is one of the most frequently played pieces in the oboe repertoire. For this reason, it is often played with the piano reduction instead of the orchestra in oboe recitals. However, the existing piano reductions include many errors and discrepancies from the orchestral score, misrepresent the orchestration, sometimes fail to make the oboe entries clear, and tend to be unplayable for pianists. Moreover, the scores were published after the composer's death without him supervising the final editing. I have prepared a new, playable piano reduction to represent the orchestration more faithfully and help pianists work with their soloists more easily. Based on the work of Martin Katz, a prominent collaborative-pianist, I establish four principles for creating a new piano reduction. After scrutiny of the deficiencies of existing piano reductions, I suggest solutions for making the passages in question practical and bringing out the leading voices clearly so that the soloist can join in as easily as playing with an orchestra. To aid in reflecting the orchestral texture that Martinů created, I include abbreviated instrument names in many passages to help pianists to understand how to create balance. I have changed some passages completely to make the sound closer to the orchestral texture. All changes and suggestions are based on the orchestral score and its layout. This simplified and practical piano reduction should help pianists have more enjoyable and more successful collaborations with their soloists.

Ce mémoire examine la concordance présente entre le langage et le discours révolutionnaire cubain dans Coupable d’avoir dansé le cha-cha-cha (1995) de Guillermo Cabrera Infante (1929-2005). L’examen du récit a été entrepris depuis une perspective qui approfondit ce que certaines études appellent « la parole ennemie » : cette parole qui questionne ce qui apparaît comme « réel » afin de montrer ce qui est caché. L’objectif principal de cette recherche consiste à établir une corrélation entre le dynamisme qui caractérise le langage du roman et celui qui correspond à la rhétorique révolutionnaire à partir de trois segments qui ont pour titres, « Une journée vers la déception », « Rupture et continuité du langage » et « Mémoire et antimémoire ». Ce schéma, qui comprend un trajet triple — utopique, linguistique et historique —, permet d’arriver à édifier une relation intime entre le langage de l’œuvre et celui du parcours révolutionnaire cubain. / Esta investigación examina la concordancia entre lenguaje y el discurso revolucionario cubano en Delito por bailar el chachachá (1995) de Guillermo Cabrera Infante (1929-2005). El análisis del texto se inició desde una perspectiva que profundiza lo que ciertos estudiosos llaman la “palabra enemiga”: esa palabra que busca cuestionar lo que pasa por “realidad” para desocultar lo ocultado. El objeto principal de este trabajo consiste en establecer una correlación entre el dinamismo que caracteriza el lenguaje de la novela y el que corresponde a la retórica revolucionaria a partir de tres segmentos que se titulan, “Una jornada hacia la decepción”, “Ruptura y continuidad en el lenguaje” y “Memoria y desmemoria”. Este esquema, que emprende un triple recorrido — utópico, lingüístico e histórico —, permite llegar a edificar una relación íntima entre el lenguaje de la obra y la jornada revolucionaria cubana.

La presente tesis tiene como objetivo central demostrar mediante el uso del enfoque constructivista de las relaciones internacionales el factor que condujo al deterioro histórico de las relaciones diplomáticas entre Bolivia y Estados Unidos durante los gobiernos de Evo Morales Ayma. Del mismo modo, los objetivos secundarios son analizar las relaciones bilaterales entre Washington y la Paz desde 1952 hasta 2005, lo cual permite apreciar nítidamente los procesos de interacción entre estos Estados y con base en ello poder determinar cómo se crearon y moldearon las relaciones bilaterales entre ambos países. Así como también analizar las características de la política exterior implementada por el país altiplánico a partir de la administración de Evo Morales, con la finalidad de determinar las características de la nueva configuración de la identidad de Bolivia. En la presente investigación se postula que a raíz de la llegada al poder de Evo Morales la identidad de Bolivia experimentó una severa transformación. La nueva identidad adoptada por el país altiplánico se caracteriza por asumir una postura revisionista que pretende empoderar y rescatar elementos de la cultura andina boliviana, además de erigirse en contraposición a Estados Unidos. De esta manera, Washington pasó a percibir como una verdadera amenaza a La Paz. Lo cual por su parte explica el inusitado deterioro de relaciones diplomáticas entre ambas naciones.

Les méthodes électorales à l'américaine ont transformé la façon de faire campagne en temps d'élection et sont maintenant répandues partout en Occident. Les conseillers en image et le recours aux firmes publicitaires font aujourd'hui partie de la donne électorale. Nées aux États-Unis dans la première moitié du XXe siècle, ces méthodes sont les prémisses du marketing électoral actuel. Longtemps avons-nous cru que ce phénomène est apparu dans les années 1960 au Québec, avec l'élection de Jean Lesage. Pourtant, près de quinze ans auparavant, un Premier ministre s'entoure d'une équipe pour mieux gagner ses élections. Maurice Duplessis a recours aux services de Joseph-Damase Bégin, ministre unioniste et ancien vendeur d'automobiles, qui se démarque par ses victoires dans son comté. Bégin s'allie à son tour les talents de Paul Bouchard qui devient directeur de la propagande de l'organisation électorale de l'Union nationale en 1946. Au fil des années, leur organisation grandit et permet à Duplessis de remporter parmi les plus grandes majorités parlementaires de l'histoire du Québec. Comment Bégin, Bouchard et leurs collègues y parviennent-ils? En personnalisant les campagnes de l'Union nationale, en recourant aux médias de masse et aux techniques publicitaires réputées performantes, en effectuant des analyses pré-électorales et surtout, en utilisant un budget faramineux. Voilà la recette du succès unioniste, inspiré des méthodes américaines.

Peu de recherches en marketing politique se sont intéressées à la sélection des territoires (provinces, États, régions) ciblés par les partis politiques en période électorale. En analysant les déplacements de Stephen Harper et les plateformes électorales du Parti conservateur du Canada (PCC) lors des trois dernières élections fédérales, nous vérifions si les provinces ciblées sont celles qui détiennent le plus de circonscriptions de type champs de bataille. Malgré certaines nuances, le PCC cible davantage les provinces qui comptent le plus de champs de bataille. Toutefois, les champs de bataille perdus aux élections précédentes prédisent plus précisément quelles provinces seront ciblées dans les efforts de communication électorale. Lorsque le PCC contrôle plus de la moitié des circonscriptions d’une province, il semble confier la campagne aux exécutifs provinciaux. Enfin, le Québec semble détenir une place particulière dans la stratégie conservatrice, indépendamment du faible nombre de circonscriptions où le parti est compétitif. / A limited body of work in political marketing research has focused so far on the selection of territories (provinces, states, regions) targeted by political parties during election periods. By analyzing Stephen Harper’s appearances and the election platforms of the Conservative Party of Canada, we wanted to know if the targeted provinces were those that held the largest amount of battleground ridings. Our analysis reveals that, indeed, the CPC targets provinces that contain the most battlefields. However, this finding should be nuanced. For instance, lost battlegrounds are the most important ridings in the development of a strategy and more effectively predict targeted provinces. Also, when the CPC controls more than half of the constituencies in a province, the national executive appears to entrust its regional campaign to the provincial executive. Finally, Québec seems to hold a special place in the conservative strategy, regardless of its limited share of battleground ridings.

Master of Music / Department of Music, Theatre, and Dance / Gary C. Mortenson / This report is an analysis and exploration of the following works: Eugène Bozza’s Caprice, Vincent Persichetti’s The Hollow Men, Halsey Stevens’s Sonata for Trumpet and Piano, Alexander Arutunian’s Concerto for Trumpet, Ernest Bloch’s Proclamation, and Eric Ewazen’s Grand Valley Fanfare. The purpose of this report is to aid performance preparation of these pieces by providing thematic and formal analysis as well as identifying general unifying elements for each piece. Once identified, these patterns will help the performer communicate the broad musical ideas to the audience by finding a balance between the technical aspects and musical statements in each work.

This paper seeks to explore the dialogue between postmodern thought and Christian theology. The dialogue will be grounded in four postmodern novels: Toni Morrison's Beloved, Ian McEwan's Atonement, Jill Paton Walsh's Knowledge of Angels, and Jeanette Winterson's Oranges Are Not the Only Fruit. In many Church circles, it has often been said that postmodernism, as it manifests itself in popular culture, is a threat to the Christian faith. However, I will be arguing that the opposite is the case, and that postmodernism has allowed for new ways of thinking about the self that has great resonance with certain theological conceptions of the self. It will be argued that the postmodern subject is one that seeks to make sense of 'the other' without risking the exploitation of the other, and that this lies very close to the theological concept of relationship, based on the idea of covenant. The self as responsible to an other and as a participant in community will be explored, from both the postmodern and theological perspectives. Before exploring issues of the self, this thesis will contextualize the dialogue by exploring postmodern conceptions of space and time. It will examine how ideas around space and time have been imagined throughout human history, thereby contextualizing the emergence of postmodern thinking. It will then show how this emergence of a postmodern space and time in fact creates new possibilities for the Christian faith to reexpress itself in ways that are more relevant to the 21st century. The concluding chapter of this thesis brings to light the longing within our postmodern reality for a place we can call home, a place where we can belong, and find healing. Such a place, such a homecoming, is offered to us in the spaces opened up to us by the dialogue between the Christian faith and postmodernity, and is found within a community of people who are learning that, as, postmodern philosopher Emmanuel Levinas states, "there is something more important than my life, and that is the life of the other" (in Beavers, 1996,16). / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.

Este trabalho analisa as relações de Leonel Brizola com o movimento político dos setores subalternos nacionalistas das Forças Armadas Brasileiras durante o período em que esteve no governo do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962) até o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Procura-se identificar as estratégias utilizadas por Brizola visando obter o apoio dos setores subalternos castrenses, em especial do círculo dos sargentos, para suas ações políticas. Essas estratégias, com o objetivo de conquistar apoio para o projeto político reformista-nacionalista desse político sul-rio-grandense e articular uma resistência a um possível golpe de Estado, acirraram uma divisão latente dentro das Forças Armadas Brasileiras entre os grupos nacionalistas e os anti-nacionalistas ou entreguistas. A análise da estruturação do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, que apoiou a luta política dos subalternos militares, e a discussão acerca de conceitos importantes, tais como, populismo e nacionalismo, são realizadas pelo trabalho, no sentido de apontar as influências exercidas por essa organização partidária no ideário brizolista e na luta dos subalternos militares. Para além da indicação das estratégias brizolistas utilizadas no sentido de aproximar-se dos militares nacionalistas, pretende-se indicar as disputas internas ocorridas nas Forças Armadas Brasileiras nas décadas de 1950 e 1960 e suas articulações com a sociedade civil. / This research aims to analyse the relationships of Leonel Brizola with the subordinate nationalist sectors of the Brazilian Armed Forces, particularly the circle of sergeants, during the period in which government was in the State of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962), until the coup civil-military from 1964. Seeking to identify the strategies used by Brizola to get the support of the subordinate castrenses sectors, especially the circle of sergeants, for its political actions. These strategies, aimed at obtaining political support for the project reformist-nationalist politician that south riograndense, caused a division within the Armed Forces Brasileiras. The analysis of the structure of the Brazilian Labour Party and discussion about important concepts such as nationalism and populism, are carried out by work, in order to sharpen the ideological influence exercised by that party organization in brizolista ideology. In addition to the indication of the strategies used to brizolistas closer to the subordinate military nationalists, it is intended to indicate the internal disputes which occurred in the Brazilian Armed Forces in the decades of 1950 and 1960 and its joints with civilians and with the policy.

Este trabalho analisa as relações de Leonel Brizola com o movimento político dos setores subalternos nacionalistas das Forças Armadas Brasileiras durante o período em que esteve no governo do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962) até o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Procura-se identificar as estratégias utilizadas por Brizola visando obter o apoio dos setores subalternos castrenses, em especial do círculo dos sargentos, para suas ações políticas. Essas estratégias, com o objetivo de conquistar apoio para o projeto político reformista-nacionalista desse político sul-rio-grandense e articular uma resistência a um possível golpe de Estado, acirraram uma divisão latente dentro das Forças Armadas Brasileiras entre os grupos nacionalistas e os anti-nacionalistas ou entreguistas. A análise da estruturação do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, que apoiou a luta política dos subalternos militares, e a discussão acerca de conceitos importantes, tais como, populismo e nacionalismo, são realizadas pelo trabalho, no sentido de apontar as influências exercidas por essa organização partidária no ideário brizolista e na luta dos subalternos militares. Para além da indicação das estratégias brizolistas utilizadas no sentido de aproximar-se dos militares nacionalistas, pretende-se indicar as disputas internas ocorridas nas Forças Armadas Brasileiras nas décadas de 1950 e 1960 e suas articulações com a sociedade civil. / This research aims to analyse the relationships of Leonel Brizola with the subordinate nationalist sectors of the Brazilian Armed Forces, particularly the circle of sergeants, during the period in which government was in the State of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962), until the coup civil-military from 1964. Seeking to identify the strategies used by Brizola to get the support of the subordinate castrenses sectors, especially the circle of sergeants, for its political actions. These strategies, aimed at obtaining political support for the project reformist-nationalist politician that south riograndense, caused a division within the Armed Forces Brasileiras. The analysis of the structure of the Brazilian Labour Party and discussion about important concepts such as nationalism and populism, are carried out by work, in order to sharpen the ideological influence exercised by that party organization in brizolista ideology. In addition to the indication of the strategies used to brizolistas closer to the subordinate military nationalists, it is intended to indicate the internal disputes which occurred in the Brazilian Armed Forces in the decades of 1950 and 1960 and its joints with civilians and with the policy.

Este trabalho analisa as relações de Leonel Brizola com o movimento político dos setores subalternos nacionalistas das Forças Armadas Brasileiras durante o período em que esteve no governo do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962) até o golpe civil-militar de 1964. Procura-se identificar as estratégias utilizadas por Brizola visando obter o apoio dos setores subalternos castrenses, em especial do círculo dos sargentos, para suas ações políticas. Essas estratégias, com o objetivo de conquistar apoio para o projeto político reformista-nacionalista desse político sul-rio-grandense e articular uma resistência a um possível golpe de Estado, acirraram uma divisão latente dentro das Forças Armadas Brasileiras entre os grupos nacionalistas e os anti-nacionalistas ou entreguistas. A análise da estruturação do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, que apoiou a luta política dos subalternos militares, e a discussão acerca de conceitos importantes, tais como, populismo e nacionalismo, são realizadas pelo trabalho, no sentido de apontar as influências exercidas por essa organização partidária no ideário brizolista e na luta dos subalternos militares. Para além da indicação das estratégias brizolistas utilizadas no sentido de aproximar-se dos militares nacionalistas, pretende-se indicar as disputas internas ocorridas nas Forças Armadas Brasileiras nas décadas de 1950 e 1960 e suas articulações com a sociedade civil. / This research aims to analyse the relationships of Leonel Brizola with the subordinate nationalist sectors of the Brazilian Armed Forces, particularly the circle of sergeants, during the period in which government was in the State of Rio Grande do Sul (1959-1962), until the coup civil-military from 1964. Seeking to identify the strategies used by Brizola to get the support of the subordinate castrenses sectors, especially the circle of sergeants, for its political actions. These strategies, aimed at obtaining political support for the project reformist-nationalist politician that south riograndense, caused a division within the Armed Forces Brasileiras. The analysis of the structure of the Brazilian Labour Party and discussion about important concepts such as nationalism and populism, are carried out by work, in order to sharpen the ideological influence exercised by that party organization in brizolista ideology. In addition to the indication of the strategies used to brizolistas closer to the subordinate military nationalists, it is intended to indicate the internal disputes which occurred in the Brazilian Armed Forces in the decades of 1950 and 1960 and its joints with civilians and with the policy.