Tese (livre-docencia) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T23:46:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pontes_HeloisaAndre_LD.pdf: 22918634 bytes, checksum: 9ee22988278f3dd61b58642257cc0d63 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed / Tese (livre-docencia) - Univer / Livre-Docente em Antropologia Social

Enrique Granados, Frank Marshall, and Alicia de Larrocha are the chief exponents of a school of piano playing characterized by special attention to details of pedalling, voicing, and refined piano sonority. Granados and Marshall dedicated the major part of their efforts in the field to the pedagogy of these principles. Their work led to the establishment of the Granados Academy in Barcelona, a keyboard conservatory which operates today under the name of the Frank Marshall Academy. Both Granados and Marshall have left published method books detailing their pedagogy of pedalling and tone production. Granados' book, Metodo Teorico Practico para el Uso de los Pedales del Piano (Theoretical and Practical Method for the Use of the Piano Pedals) is presently out of print and available in a photostatic version from the publisher. Marshall's works, Estudio Practico sobre los Pedales del Piano (Practical Study of the Piano Pedals) and La Sonoridad del Piano (Piano Sonority) continue to be used at the Marshall Academy and are available from Spanish publishing houses. This study brings information contained in these three method books to the forefront and demonstrates its relevance to the performance of the music of Granados, specifically the Escenas Romanticas. Alicia de Larrocha, Marshall's best known pupil, currently holds the directorship of the Marshall Academy, and as such, is perhaps the best living authority on this entire line of pianistic and pedagogical thought. An interview conducted with Madame de Larrocha in April of 1983 adds detail and provides valuable perspective about the present use and relevance of these materials and concepts.

This study focuses on the investigation and deconstruction of the phenomena of the South African dystopian society, as reflected in the novels of Lauren Beukes and films by Neill Blomkamp. The characteristics and signifiers of a uniquely South African dystopian society are established and investigated through a posthuman lens. The theoretical framework of this study is principally concerned with the critical posthuman writings of Rosi Braidotti, Donna Haraway and, to a lesser extent, Cary Wolfe. Feminism and post-colonialism, and their influences on posthuman theory, are applied as the secondary theoretical framework, in this study. The study is practice led, with the study of the literature serving as mutually informative to the execution of a body of work centred on the dystopian theme. The paintings are intended to be metonyms for the wide range of manifestations of social decline evident in contemporary South African narratives. / Arts and Music / M.A. (Visual Arts)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / By start of the 1920s, the United States had seen nearly forty years of vast accumulations of wealth by a small group of people, substantial financial speculation and a mass change in the economic base from agricultural to industrial. All of this ended in 1929 in a crushing depression that spread not only across the country, but also around the world. Hard-Boiled detective fiction first reached the reading public early in the decade initially as adventure stories, but quickly became a way for authors to express the stresses these changes were causing on people and society. The detective is the center of the story with the task of reestablishing a certain degree of order or redemption. An important character hallmark of this genre is that he is seldom able to do this, or that the cost is so high a terrible burden remains. His decisions and judgments in this attempt are formed by his relationship with the people or community around him. The goal of this thesis is to look at the issues raised in the context of how the detective relates to a person or community in the story. For analysis, six books were chosen arranged from least level of personal relationship by the detective to the most intimate. The books are Red Harvest, by Dashiell Hammett, The Big Sleep, by Raymond Chandler, The Galton Case, by Ross MacDonald, Cotton Comes to Harlem, by Chester Himes, Devil in a Blue Dress, by Walter Mosley, and I, the Jury, by Mickey Spillane. In the study of these books, a wide range of topics are presented including political ideologies, corruption, racial discrimination and family strife. Each book provided a wealth of views on these and other subjects that are as relevant today as when they were written.

Diese Arbeit beschreibt die Herstellung und die Produktionsbedingungen für die Komplett-Fertigung von Elektro-Motoren (überwiegend Drehstrommotoren) verschiedener Bauarten und Leistungsstufen (< 10 kW) von 1949 (Sachsenwerk Radeberg) bis zur Einstellung der Motorenfertigung 1959 (VEB RAFENA-Werke Radeberg). Parallel mit der Motorenfertigung wurden im Sachsenwerk die dafür benötigten Schalt- und Steuereinrichtungen hergestellt. Die 5-teilige Arbeit untergliedert sich als Beschreibung des Geschäftsfeldes Elektromotoren 1948 - 1959 mit dem zugehörigen Einführungstext in: 1. Fertigung von Elektromotoren und Schaltgeräten in Radeberg 2. Prinzipielle Fertigungs-Abschnitte der Motoren-Fertigung und Flächennutzung 3. Gerätegruppen der in Radeberg produzierten Drehstrom-Motoren 4. Umfang der Elektromotorenproduktion 5. Arbeitszeit-Aufwände, Löhne und Preise

La Maison-Blanche a toujours entretenu des relations diplomatiques privilégiées avec des dictateurs. Si l’avènement de ces amitiés est un truisme en vertu des avantages mutuels qu’elles confèrent aux deux parties en présence, lorsqu’une insurrection secoue un dictateur ami à l’interne, la décision de la Maison-Blanche d’opérer une rupture ou d’opter pour le prolongement de cette relation l’est beaucoup moins. De la Guerre froide au Printemps arabe, la Maison-Blanche a – à plusieurs reprises – tantôt continué d’appuyer des dictateurs amis en péril, tantôt choisi d’en abandonner d’autres, pourtant confrontés à des circonstances analogues. Comment expliquer cette dichotomie décisionnelle dans la politique étrangère de la Maison-Blanche dans ce type de crise? Notre recherche avance qu’il y a un calcul lié à la recherche constante de la conservation maximale de l’influence acquise (CMIA) permettant de décrypter cette apparente contradiction. Pour tester la validité théorique de cette hypothèse, nous l’appliquons à un échantillon de six cas empiriques à savoir : Batista à La Havane en 1959, Pahlavi à Téhéran en 1979, Mobutu à Kinshasa en 1990-1991, Suharto à Jakarta en 1998, Aliyev à Bakou en 2005 et enfin Moubarak au Caire en 2011.

Avec la Révolution tranquille, la Grande Noirceur occupe une place de choix dans l’imaginaire collectif des Québécois. Ces deux mythistoires articulent une conception dichotomique du passé québécois où l’année 1960 apparaît comme une fracture entre deux temps et deux mondes, entre l’Ancien et le Nouveau Régime. Cette thèse s’intéresse aux origines caricaturales de la Grande Noirceur duplessiste. Jusqu’ici, les chercheurs qui ont abordé la question des mythistoires constitutifs du Québec moderne se sont surtout arrêtés aux discours des intellectuels regroupés au sein du journal Le Devoir, de la revue Cité Libre et de la Faculté des Sciences sociales de l’Université Laval. Pour notre part, nous mettons en lumière la contribution du caricaturiste Robert La Palme dans la conception et la diffusion du mythistoire de la Grande Noirceur duplessiste au Québec. Robert La Palme est l’un des plus éminents caricaturistes que le Québec ait connus. Entre 1939 et 1962, à l’emploi des plus importants journaux canadiens-français de l’époque, il présente sa vision caustique de l’actualité. Au fil des ans, quantité de personnages de tous horizons et milieux politiques et culturels se sont retrouvés dans le grand théâtre qu’est son œuvre satirique. Mais nul n’a autant retenu l’attention de l’artiste que Maurice Duplessis, chef de l’Union nationale et premier ministre de la province de Québec de 1936 à 1939, puis de 1944 jusqu’à son décès survenu en 1959. Dans des centaines de caricatures, La Palme prend un malin plaisir à caricaturer l’homme et son « régime », ses idées et ses convictions, ses actes et ses prises de position. Ce faisant, le caricaturiste produit quelques-unes des images d’Épinal de la Grande Noirceur duplessiste. Par le truchement de l’œuvre du caricaturiste Robert La Palme, cette thèse étudie les processus de production et de circulation des discours ayant pour objet la Grande Noirceur duplessiste depuis les années 1940. Nous montrons que Robert La Palme tient un discours original sur la Grande Noirceur duplessiste. Sa contribution la plus importante à cet effet est certainement la formule « Toé, tais-toé! », que le caricaturiste est le premier à mettre dans la bouche de Maurice Duplessis. Cette formule est, depuis, devenue l’un des fleurons de ce mythistoire. D’autres discours sur la Grande Noirceur duplessiste ont recours aux caricatures de La Palme. Deux brochures électorales du Parti libéral provincial ainsi que des manuels scolaires, un événement commémoratif et une synthèse historique ont retenu notre attention. Dans les années 1940 et 1950, le Parti libéral provincial recourt aux caricatures de La Palme pour répondre à la démagogie de l’Union nationale. Quand la caricature ne sert pas carrément de discours politique, celui-ci prend les traits de la caricature. Depuis les années 1980 enfin, les caricatures de Robert La Palme ont été utilisées pour des motifs éducatifs, commémoratifs et historiques afin de renforcer le mythistoire de la Grande Noirceur duplessiste. / Alongside the Quiet Revolution, the Great Darkness occupies a special place in the collective imaginary of the Quebeckers. Those two mythistories articulate a dichotomical conception of Quebec’s past where the year 1960 appears as a fracture between two distinct times and two worlds, between the Old and the New Regime. This thesis explores the caricatural origins of the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era. Up until now, researchers who have discussed the matter of the constitutive mythistories of modern Quebec were mostly interested in the discourses from intellectuals grouped at newspaper Le Devoir, journal Cité Libre and the Faculté des Sciences sociales of the Université Laval. As for us, we focus on the contribution of caricaturist Robert La Palme in the conception and diffusion of the mythistory of the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era in Quebec. Robert La Palme is one of the most prominent caricaturists that Quebec has ever known. Between 1939 and 1962, he worked at the most important French-Canadian newspapers of the time and presented his caustic view of current affairs. Throughout the years, a wide variety of characters from all political and cultural backgrounds found their way inside the great theatre which was his satirical comedy. No one else attracted the attention of the artist more than Maurice Duplessis, leader of the Union Nationale and Premier of the province of Quebec from 1936 to 1939, then from 1944 right until his death in 1959. In hundreds of caricatures, La Palme took malicious delight in drawing caricatures of the man and his “regime”, his ideas and his convictions, acts and position statements. By doing so, the caricaturist produced some of the iconic images of the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era. Carried out through the works of caricaturist Robert La Palme, this thesis studies the production process and flow of the discourses that referred to the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era since the 1940s. We show that Robert La Palme gave an original discourse on the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era. His most important contribution to this regard is the formula “Toé, tais-toé!”, that he first put over the mouth of Maurice Duplessis. This formula has since become one of the icons of this mythistory. Other discourses regarding the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era have also resorted to La Palme’s caricatures. Two electoral brochures of the provincial Liberal Party as well as schoolbooks, a commemorative event and an historical synthesis grabbed our attention. In the 1940s and 1950s, the provincial Liberal Party used La Palme’s caricatures in order to reply to the Union Nationale’s demagoguery. When the caricature did not serve as a political discourse, the latter took the traits of the caricature. Since the 1980s, Robert La Palme’s caricatures were finally put to use for educative, commemorative and historical purposes to enhance the mythistory of the Great Darkness of the Duplessis era.

Ce mémoire a pour corpus les essais parus dans Liberté entre mars 1980 et février 1986, période pendant laquelle François Ricard assumait la direction de la revue. Il veut mesurer la place de l’ironie dans la revue et circonscrire ses formes diverses en se penchant principalement sur les textes de Ricard lui-même, d’André Belleau et d’Yvon Rivard, mais également la mettre en relation avec l’indépendantisme québécois. En quoi une conception de l’indépendance partagée dans la revue migre-t-elle de la chose au mot ? Nous tenterons de comprendre le rôle d’une culture globalisante de l’ironie dans ce déplacement. Si les travaux critiques englobant la question de l’essai québécois des années 1980 ont souvent noté un repli sur l’intime propre à cette décennie, le Québec demeure, à Liberté, une pierre angulaire du discours essayistique. L’ironie peut-elle émerger comme compromis entre un désir de se défaire d’« une question nationale obsessionnelle et indépassable » et le besoin, toujours existant, de revendiquer une forme d’indépendance, dorénavant plus littéraire que politique ?

This study focuses on Bruegel's parodic legacy in the picaresque tradition. It is based, on the one hand, on visual rhetoric, visual parody, and the poetics of epideictic rhetoric; and, on the other, on the interaction between epideictic rhetoric's salient features and the Bruegelian themes of camivalisation, the satirising of human folly, and the ontic order of the World Upside Down topos as organising principles. The relationships between the above themes are chronologically traced in various disguises in pictures by representative picaresque artists from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries: i.e., in Bruegel, Steen, Hogarth, Daumier, and Grosz. Each of these picaresque artists battled with their own times, parodying the paradigmatic targets of the high mode, in both social and genre hierarchy, and in doing so revealed the complexities of the above themes at work within an ever changing context-bound rhetoricity. / Art History, Visual Arts & Musicology / Thesis (D.Litt. et Phil.)

Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism. This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.