An expression for the static temperature-velocity distribution for a zero pressure gradient turbulent boundary layer is derived based on the differential equations for local heat transfer and shear. The present theoretical method of computation is found to give results that correspond well with available experimental temperature velocity distributions. / Master of Science

The purpose of this investigation was to study fundamentally the difference in structure of aluminum phosphates synthesized in various mediums. / Master of Science

This thesis considers the novels of Gregorio Lopez Y Fuentes.

本論文係於政治系統理論，運用政治參與及政治社會化的概念，透過歷史制度研究法 的陳述，分別對中共「共青團」的理論基礎、歷史沿革、組織工作、群眾運動與政治 教育加以探討。同時選擇一九五七年至一九六六年間作為時限，因為，這段期間正是 中共推行社會主義建設的高潮時期，也是「共青團」組織與活動高度發展時期。 第一章導論闡明論文使用的概念與方法，第二章、三章、四章以歷史制度法說明「共 青團」的理論、歷史與組織，第五章、六章以第一章所取之概念架構，分析群眾運動 、政治教育。而在第七章結論中，將前面數章的分析結果做綜合的結論。從而分析「 共青團」在中共政治系統中的角色地位，探討群眾運動的相關變數，評估政治教育的 功能，進而探索「共青團」未來的動向。

Nous proposons dans ce travail de retracer le chemin parcouru depuis la lecture du roman de Flann O’Brien At Swim-Two-Birds jusqu’à sa traduction afin de croiser théorie et pratique d’écriture. La difficulté de traduire ce texte bilingue écrit en anglais et en irlandais nous conduit à chercher dans les singularités tant linguistiques que culturelles de ces deux langues des ressorts littéraires qui mêlent les notions de littéralité et de créativité, communément présentées en opposition. L’étrangeté de la langue irlandaise dans At Swim-Two-Birds nous invite à revisiter la notion d’intraduisibilité. Elle nous engage également dans une réflexion sur les opérations de transposition qu’implique la traduction de deux langues. Afin d’écarter un rapport au texte et à sa traduction trop polarisé, en particulier dans le cas des textes bilingues, la traduction est envisagée dans un spectre élargi à toutes les langues, dans un mouvement d’écriture créative « en-langues ». Traduire (en) plus d’une langue ouvre ainsi la voie à des perspectives traductologiques nouvelles. / In this work we propose to trace a path leading from a reading of Flann O’Brien’s novel, At Swim-Two-Birds, to its translation. In so doing we carry out two intersecting trajectories crossing at the point where theory and practice meet. The difficulty of translating this bilingual work written in both English and Irish, enjoins the necessity of delving into both the linguistic and cultural singularities present in these two languages, as well as into literary reflections that blur the line between literality and creativity.The foreign presence of the Irish language in At Swim-Two-Birds calls for a reexamination of the notion of untranslatability. It likewise sets in motion a reflection on the operations of transposition that come into play when translating two languages at once. The approach presented here distinguishes itself from binary, polarized approaches to text and translation, in particular with regard to bilingual texts. Translation is thought within the scope of an expansive spectrum, « in-language ». Translating in/t(w)o languages thus opens onto new approaches in traductology.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis investigates Romantic motifs in Postmodernism, especially Romantic motifs in Christian Kracht’s postmodern pop novel Faserland. Although in many aspects the era of German Romanticism (ca. 1798 – 1835) in literary history is seen as completed, Romanticism, as demonstrated in this thesis, still plays a significant role in today's postmodern literature. Even though discussions on this subject already exist, by theorists such as Blanning, Safranski and Lüthe, whose views provide the theoretical foundations for this hypothesis, concrete text investigations were yet still absent until now. Based on a comparison between themes and motifs of well-known Romantic texts, such as Heinrich von Ofterdingen (Novalis) , Aus dem Leben eines Taugenichts (Joseph von Eichendorff) as well as Der Sandmann (E.T.A. Hoffmann), and Christian Kracht’s postmodern Faserland, the continuity of Romanticism is illustrated in this study. The study not only provides an in depth analysis of the mentioned texts, but also, by means of comparison, clearly illustrates and evaluates to which extent Romantic thought has altered in a postmodern context. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek Romantiese motiewe in Postmodernisme, veral Romantiese motiewe in Christian Kracht se postmoderne poproman Faserland. Alhoewel in baie aspekte die tydperk van die Duitse Romantiek (ongeveer 1798 – 1835) in die literêre geskiedenis as afgehandel beskou word, speel die Romantiek, soos gedemonstreer in hierdie tesis, steeds 'n belangrike rol in vandag se postmoderne literatuur. Hoewel daar reeds besprekings oor hierdie onderwerp bestaan, deur teoretici soos Blanning, Safranski en Lüthe, wie se sienings die teoretiese basis vir hierdie hiptese bied, was konkrete teksondersoeke egter tot nou toe afwesig. Gebaseer op 'n vergelyking tussen die temas en motiewe van bekende Romantiese tekste, soos Heinrich von Ofterdingen (Novalis), Aus dem Leben eines Taugenichts (Joseph von Eichendorff) sowel as Der Sandmann (E.T.A. Hoffmann), en Christian Kracht se postmoderne Faserland, word die kontinuïteit van die Romantiek in hierdie studie geïllustreer. Die tesis bied nie net 'n in diepte ontleding van die genoemde tekste nie, maar illustreer en evalueer ook duidelik, deur middel van vergelyking, tot watter mate Romantiese motiewe in 'n postmoderne konteks verander het. / GERMAN ABSTRACT: Zusammenfassung: In dieser Arbeit wird auf romantische Motive in der Postmoderne, im Besonderen aber auf romantische Motive in dem postmodernen popliterarischen Roman Christian Krachts Faserland eingegangen. Obwohl in der Literaturgeschichte die Epoche der deutschen Romantik (ca. 1798 – 1835) als abgeschlossen gesehen wird, spielt die Romantik, wie in dieser Arbeit gezeigt wird, eine bedeutende Rolle in der heutigen postmodernen Literatur. Auch wenn es bereits Diskussionen zu diesem Thema gibt, von Theoretikern wie Blanning, Safranski und Lüthe, deren Ansichten die theoretischen Grundlagen für diese Hypothese liefern, sind konkrete Textuntersuchungen bisweilen dennoch ausgeblieben. Anhand eines Vergleichs zwischen Themen und Motiven von bekannten romantischen Texten, wie Heinrich von Ofterdingen (Novalis), Aus dem Leben eines Taugenichts (Joseph von Eichendorff) sowie auch Der Sandmann (E.T.A. Hoffmann), und Christian Krachts postmodernen Faserland , wird die Kontinuität der Romantik in dieser Arbeit dargestellt. Die These liefert nicht nur eine eingehende Analyse der genannten Texte, sondern illustriert und bewertet auch deutlich, mit Hilfe von einem Vergleich, inwiefern sich der romantischen Geist sich in einem postmodernen Kontext verändert hat.

Thesis (DPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The main problem investigated in this study is why a homogeneous nation with a high literacy rate such as Lesotho has had so many breakdowns of democracy since independence in 1966. Lesotho is completely surrounded and economically dependent on South Africa and depends mostly on the external sources of income (migrant remittances, customs revenues and foreign aid). Why has this democracy not consolidated? For the assessment of the consolidation of Lesotho’s democracy, this study adopted the multivariate model of Bratton and Van de Walle. This model uses institutional as well as socio-economic variables. In the application of this model various other authors were used as well. Schedler dealt with the concept of breakdowns, whereas Linz and Stepan emphasised institutions and Przeworski et. al and Leftwich also utilised multivariate models, including socio-economic factors. Upon the attainment of independence, the King became a constitutional monarch within a parliamentary system. The monarchy was from the beginning of independence uncomfortable with this status that granted him limited powers. The democratic regime inaugurated with the 1965 elections lasted only till 1970, when the ruling party under Chief Leabua Jonathan which did not support the monarchy, declared the election results invalid and suspended the constitution after his ruling party lost to the opposition. But Chief Leabua Jonathan was toppled from state power in 1986 by the military. The military ruled for eight years. It was clear that the monarchy (eager for executive powers) and the military became factors in the survival of democracy in Lesotho. Democratic rule was relaunched in 1993. The 1993 and 1998 elections were followed by violent power struggles. This time the constituency-based electoral system served as catalyst for the political crises and was blamed. This is because seats did not reflect electoral support as opposition parties were not adequately represented in parliament. Constitutional reforms followed and in 2002 democratic rule was reintroduced. The 2002 and 2007 elections were conducted under the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system, which is a hybrid between constituencyiv based and proportional representation. Despite the electoral reforms, uncertainties still remained as the result of escalating socio-economic problems. This study addresses the ways in which the monarchy, the military, the electoral system and the socio-economic factors contributed to the breakdown of democracy in Lesotho. The original aspect of this study lies in the novel set of questions that have not been asked before. It fills the gap in the literature on the 2007 elections and the workings of the new electoral system by comparing the 2002 and the 2007 elections. Despite the constitutional reforms in 2002, the 2007 elections resulted in the new set of problems. The problem of the Lesotho MMP system is how it has to be operationalised and the lack of understanding among the politicians and electorates on how it works. This situation is exacerbated by the absence of legal and clear guidelines on how the translation of votes into seats– especially for candidates under proportional representation (PR) – has to be undertaken in cases where there are coalitions between parties. This institutional reform of the electoral system has not added any value for the development of democracy as losing parties have refused to adhere to the rules. Apart from the electoral system, some of the other core problems are older and institutional. The monarchy has over the years been at the root of some of the country’s democratic breakdowns. It also had influence in the military. The military instituted a period of authoritarianism and managed the transition to democratic rule in the early 1990s.The monarchy and the military continued to destabilise the post- 1993 democratic governments until 1998, after which the electoral system was reformed. But the problems are not only institutional. Lesotho is a democracy with low per capita income. It also has high levels of inequalities as well as high unemployment. Lesotho also has one of the highest HIV/Aids rates in Southern Africa. The country performs poorly when measured against aspects of the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) such as life expectancy, mortality rates and standard of living. It is the poorest country, with the lowest HDI of Southern Africa’s “free nations”, according to Freedom House. These socio-economic problems have impacted negatively on the prospects of democratic consolidation. One positive aspect is the high literacy rate of over 80%. But this has not benefited Lesotho’s democracy in any meaningful way as most of its educated people are working in South Africa. The country does not have a sizeable middle class, while civil society, except for churches, is also weak. While the monarchy and military have been successfully depoliticised, Lesotho’s democracy remains unconsolidated because of weaknesses in the electoral system (lack of understanding of its operationalisation) and continuing problems of socio-economic development. Its ethnic homogeneity is not an asset either as other divisions have recurred all the time. The overall conclusion is therefore that although most institutional factors responsible for democratic breakdowns in the past have been overcome, the socioeconomic variables such as poverty, weak civil society, small middle class and socio-economic inequality will hinder consolidation for a long time to come. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofprobleem wat in hierdie studie ondersoek word, is hoekom ’n homogene nasie met ’n hoë geletterdheidsyfer soos Lesotho, soveel onderbrekings (“breakdowns”) van die demokrasie sedert onafhanklikwording beleef het. Vir die beoordeling van konsolidasie van Lesotho se demokrasie is van ’n model van multivariëteit gebruik gemaak. Dit is gebaseer op die denke van Bratton en Van de Walle wat van sowel institusionele as sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes gebruik maak. Die konsep van afbreuk (“breakdown”) is van Schedler afkomstig. Linz en Stepan maak uitsluitlik van institusionele veranderlikes gebruik, terwyl Przeworski et. al en Leftwich ook van multi-veranderlikes gebruik maak. Hulle denke het die teoretiese raamwerk van hierdie studie gevorm. Heeltemal omring deur, en afhanklik van Suid-Afrika, word die Koninkryk van Lesotho geteister deur politieke onstabiliteit. Die koning het ’n grondwetlike monargie binne ’n parlementêre stelsel geword. Die monargie was egter sedert die begin van onafhank-likheid ongemaklik hiermee. Die demokratiese regime het in 1965 met verkiesings tot stand gekom. Maar dit het slegs tot 1970 geduur toe die regerende party van Hoofman Leabua Jonathan die verkiesing verloor het, en die grondwet opgeskort het. Hyself is in 1986 in ’n staatsgreep deur die weermag omvergewerp. Dit was toe reeds duidelik dat die monargie en die militêre faktore in die oorlewing van demokrasie in Lesotho geword het. Demokratiese regering is in 1993 heringestel. Die 1993 en 1998 verkiesings het egter weer geweld opgelewer. Nou was die kiesafdeling-gebaseerde kiesstelsel geblameer omdat setels nie met steun vir partye gekorreleer het nie. Grondwetlike hervormings is ingestel waarna demokrasie weer in 2002 heringestel is. Die verkiesings van 2002 en 2007 het onder reëls van ’n hibriede stelsel van proposionele verteenwoordiging sowel as kiesafdelings plaasgevind. Daar was stabiliteit, maar onsekerhede was as gevolg van ingewikkeldhede van die stelsel wat nie opgelos is nie. Die studie ontleed die rol van die monargie, die weermag, die kiesstelsel en vlak van sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in die opeenvolgende demokratiese ineenstortings in Lesotho. Die oorspronklikheid van hierdie studie is dat vrae gestel word wat nog nie voorheen met betrekking tot Lesotho gedoen is nie. Dit vul dus ’n gaping in die literatuur, ook wat die onlangse verkiesings van 2007 betref. Ten spyte van die grondwetlike hervormings van 2002, het die 2007 verkiesings nuwe probleme opgelewer. Die probleem is dat sowel die kiesers as die politici nie altyd verstaan hoe die formules van die hibriede stelsel werk nie. Daar is ook ’n afwesigheid van riglyne oor hoe om stemme in setels om te sit waar kaolisies deelgeneem het. Afgesien van die verkiesingstelsel, is van die ander probleme ouer, maar ook institusioneel van aard. Die monargie soos hierbo gestel, is deel van hierdie probleme. Dit het soos aangedui ook ’n invloed op die militêre gehad. Beide het die demokrasie gedestabiliseer tot ná 1993 en 1998, waarna die nuwe verkiesingstelsel nuwe probleme opgelewer het. Die probleme in Lesotho is egter nie net van ’n institusionele aard nie. Lesotho is ’n arm demokrasie met lae per capita inkome, hoë ongelykhede en werkloosheid, asook van die hoogste HIV/Vigs syfers in Suider Afrika. Lesotho vaar ook swak op die Verenigde Nasies se Menslike Ontwikkelingsindeks. Dit is ook die armste van Freedom House se nasies wat as “vry” geklassifiseer word. ’n Positiewe aspek is die hoë geletterdheidsyfer van 80%. Maar dit het Lesotho oënskynlik nie gehelp om die demokrasie volhoubaar te maak nie. Die land het byvoorbeeld nie ’n beduidende middelklas nie, terwyl die burgerlike samelewing met uitsondering van die kerke, ook swak is. Terwyl die monargie en die militêre deesdae gedepolitiseer is, is die demokrasie nog nie gekonsolideer nie. Die redes hiervoor is die probleme met die kiesstelsel en voortgesette lae ekonomiese ontwikkeling. Etniese homogeniteit is ook skynbaar nie ’n bate nie, want ander verdelings ontstaan deurentyd. Die hoofkonklusie van hierdie studie is dus dat alhoewel Lesotho die institusionele faktore wat vir demokratiese afbreuk in die verlede verantwoordelik was oorkom het, die sosio-ekonomiese veranderlikes soos armoede, swak burgerlike samelewing, klein middelklas en ongelykheid steeds konsolidasie nog vir ’n lang tyd sal belemmer.

Abstract Temporomandibular disorders (TMD) are described as a variety of dysfunctions and pains related to the masticatory system. Clicking in the temporomandibular joints (TMJs) and pain in the masticatory muscles are the most common symptoms and signs of TMD. Other frequently reported symptoms are headache, facial pain, and symptoms in the ears. The prevalence of TMD signs in the adult population has been shown to vary between 33% and 86%, being more common in women than in men. TMD has been found to be most prevalent at 20–50 years of age. The aim of this cross-sectional study was to investigate the prevalence of TMD and associated risk factors in the Finnish adult population based on the Northern Finland Birth Cohort (NFBC) 1966. Altogether 1 962 cohort subjects at the age of 46 years (1 050 women, 912 men) responded to questionnaires and participated in a clinical medical and dental examination in 2012–2013. The stomatognathic examination was performed according to a modified protocol of diagnostic criteria for TMD (DC/TMD). The prevalence of TMD signs among the examined cohort subjects was 34.2%; women had clinical signs of TMD more often than men. Clinical signs were registered more often than self-reported TMD symptoms. The most common clinical signs were clicking in the TMJs (26.2%) and palpation pain in the masticatory muscles (11.2%). The most common diagnosis was disc displacement with reduction (7.0%). TMD signs were associated with unstable occlusion. Occlusal disturbances were associated with palpation pain in the masticatory muscles, as well as myalgia and arthralgia diagnoses. Pain-related TMD symptoms and clinical signs correlated strongly with a poor self-reported health condition as well as with painful general health problems. / Tiivistelmä Purentaelimistön toimintahäiriöt (engl. temporomandibular disorders, TMD) on yhteisnimitys leukanivelten, puremalihasten, hampaiston ja niihin liittyvien kudosten sairaus- ja kiputiloille. Leukanivelen naksuminen ja kipu purentaelimistön alueella ovat tavallisimmat oireet, mutta myös päänsärky, kasvokipu ja korvaoireet ovat yleisiä TMD-potilailla. Väestötutkimuksissa on havaittu suurta vaihtelua TMD:n esiintyvyydessä (33–86 %). TMD:n oireita sekä löydöksiä todetaan tavallisimmin 20–50-vuotiailla ja naisilla enemmän kuin miehillä. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli selvittää TMD:n esiintyvyyttä ja riskitekijöitä suomalaisessa aikuisväestössä Pohjois-Suomen syntymäkohortti 1966:n (Northern Finland Birth Cohort, NFBC) aineistossa. Vuosina 2012–2013 tutkittiin 1 962 kohortin henkilöä 46 vuoden ikäisinä (1 050 naista, 912 miestä). Tutkimus koostui kyselyistä sekä lääketieteellisestä ja suun terveydentilan kliinisestä tutkimuksesta. Purentaelimistön tutkimuksessa käytettiin kansainvälistä TMD:n diagnostista kriteeristöä (engl. diagnostic criteria for TMD, DC/TMD). TMD-löydösten esiintyvyys tutkitussa kohorttiaineistossa oli 34,2 %. Kliiniset löydökset tutkituilla henkilöillä olivat yleisempiä kuin heidän raportoimansa oireet. Yleisimmät löydökset olivat leukanivelen naksuminen (26,2 %) ja palpaatiokipu puremalihaksissa (11,2 %). Yleisin diagnoosi oli leukanivelen välilevyn palautuva virheasento (7,0 %). TMD-löydösten ja epästabiilin purennan välillä havaittiin yhteys. Purennassa olevien häiriöiden ja puremalihasten palpaatiokivun sekä leukanivelkivun välillä todettiin selvä yhteys. TMD-löydöksillä ja niihin liittyvillä kivuilla havaittiin tilastollisesti merkitsevä yhteys koettuun heikentyneeseen terveydentilaan sekä kivuliaisiin yleissairauksiin.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:52:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 IONE GOMES ADRIANO.pdf: 1926182 bytes, checksum: c02d2b3b507a22c38f140c2c7d568a5c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-09-28 / This research set out to identify, understand and interpret the political and educational role of the intellectual monitors who worked in the Grassroots Education Movement (Goiás MEB) on the Serrinha farm in Itauçu, Goiás, from 1961 to 1966, and assemble contributions for the debate on the Education of Youth and Adults (EJA) occurring in Brazil and Goiás. It is based on data from: a) interviews given by three of the main intellectual monitors who participated in the Movement, two of which were given to the author of this thesis and the third to another researcher; b) reports of the Movement itself; c) the existing literature on the subject. As a theoretical framework it uses the writings of Paulo Sérgio Rouanet (interpreter of Gramsci), Gramsci and Paulo Freire. It is based on the theme discussed by Fávero, Peixoto Filho and Rodrigues, especially, and is divided into five parts. The Introduction presents the goals, object of the study, and the theoretical and analytical references for the survey data, and also the methodological and technical procedures for the production of the targeted knowledge. Chapter I presents the political and social context of Goiás and Brazil during the first six years of the 1960s; Chapter II broadly reclaims the history of MEB at national and Goiás levels; Chapter III presents the general historical-geographical, economic, political and social context of the municipality in which Goiás MEB was set up, while Chapter IV explains the political and educational role played by the intellectual monitors of the Movement, in an effort to collate contributions from the experience in order to enrich participation in the discussions taking place on EJA in Brazil today. It could be seen that the methodological process used by the Movement for the formation of its intellectual monitors was that of ongoing dialogue between themselves, the Central Team (CT) and the leaders who worked daily with the community. This dialogue, conscientization and politicization sought by Goiás MEB were carried out through various activities: lectures on the radio, theater, festivals, prayer meetings, theoretical reflections on topics of interest to the community and the study of texts. This occurred through meetings and encounters previously organized by the Movement s CT with the participation of community leaders. According to the interviewees, through the use of a methodological teaching process which created tensions but at the same time shed inhibitions, the Movement led to the acquisition of knowledge while politicizing and valorizing the participants, and contributed towards enhancing the work potential of the leaders in terms of the community. From the data produced by the study, this qualitative research showed that the role played by the intellectual monitor was that of monitoring, explaining, solving the problems of students on the school broadcast; bringing people together in the community to address the problems which arose during debates and contributing towards finding solutions to these problems, by interacting with the community and with the CT, discussing and participating in the planning of the educational process of the school radio, the students and the community, and also mediating the relationship between community and the CT. In summary, the role of the intellectual monitor went beyond that of mere transmitter of the knowledge drawn up by the CT and passed on by the teacher-broadcaster to the school radio students. The data collected would imply that, although the CT passed on the contents to the intellectual monitors who, in turn, passed them on to the students, that the CT knew the theory and not the monitors, in practice (the interviewees themselves acknowledged this) the methodological procedures of the activities proposed by the Movement (dialogue, discussions, meetings and encounters) ended up making for the effective participation of the intellectual monitors and, consequently, the other participants in the construction of the experience. / Esta pesquisa visou identificar, compreender e interpretar o papel político-educativo dos intelectuais-monitores que atuaram no Movimento de Educação de Base (MEB GOIÁS), instalado na Fazenda Serrinha (Itauçu-GO) de 1961 a 1966, e colher contribuições para o debate sobre a Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA) que vem ocorrendo no Brasil e em Goiás. Assentou-se em dados: a) de entrevistas concedidas por três dos principais monitoresintelectuais que participaram do Movimento: duas à autora desta dissertação; e uma terceira, concedida a outra pesquisadora; b) de relatórios do próprio Movimento; c) da bibliografia existente sobre a temática. Apoiou-se teoricamente em escritos de Paulo Sérgio Rouanet (interprete de Antônio Gramsci); em Gramsci e em Paulo Freire. Fundamentou-se sobre o tema em Fávero; Peixoto Filho e Rodrigues, especialmente. Foi basicamente estruturada em cinco partes. Na Introdução expõe: objetivos; objeto de estudo; referencial teórico e de análise dos dados da pesquisa; e, também, os procedimentos metodológicos e técnicos de produção do conhecimento almejado. O capítulo I visou expor o contexto político e social do Brasil e de Goiás nos primeiros seis anos da década de 1960; o II buscou recuperar, amplamente, a história do MEB Nacional e a do MEB GOIÁS; o III objetivou traçar, largamente, o contexto histórico-geográfico, econômico, político e social do município em que se instalou o MEB GOIÁS; e o IV visou expor o papel político-educativo desempenhado pelos intelectuaismonitores do Movimento, buscando colher contribuições da experiência para participar dos debates que ocorrem sobre a EJA no Brasil de hoje. Pôde ser verificado que o processo metodológico usado pelo Movimento para a formação de seus intelectuais-monitores foi o diálogo permanente entre eles, a Equipe Central (EC) e os líderes que trabalhavam, cotidianamente, com a comunidade. Esse diálogo, a conscientização e a politização decorrentes e almejadas pelo MEB GOIÁS foram buscadas por várias atividades: aulas pelo rádio; teatro; festas; rezas; reflexões teóricas sobre temas de interesse da comunidade; estudos de textos e outras. Isso ocorreu por meio de reuniões e encontros previamente organizados pela EC do Movimento com a participação dos lideres da comunidade. O Movimento, usando de um processo metodológico de ensino que tanto tencionava como desinibia, tanto propiciava a aquisição de conhecimentos elaborados como politizava e valorizava a cultura dos participantes, contribuiu para aprimorar o potencial de trabalho de seus líderes junto à comunidade, conforme relato dos entrevistados. A partir dos dados que conseguiu reunir, esta investigação qualitativa, mostrou que, o papel desempenhado pelo intelectual-monitor foi o de: acompanhar, explicar, tirar dúvidas dos alunos da Escola Radiofônica (ER); reunir as pessoas da comunidade para equacionar seus problemas, que iam aparecendo no interior dos debates; buscar contribuir para encaminhar esses problemas; interagir com a comunidade e com a EC, discutindo e participando do planejamento do processo educativo dos alunos da ER e da comunidade; e, ainda, mediar a relação entre a comunidade e a EC. Sintetizando, o papel dos intelectuais-monitores foi além de apenas servir de transmissor do conhecimento elaborado pela EC e passado pela professora-locutora aos alunos da ER. Em que pesem os relatos colhidos, de que a EC passava os conteúdos para que os intelectuais-monitores os repassassem aos alunos; de que era a EC que detinha a teoria e eles não, na prática (os próprios entrevistados reconheceram) os procedimentos metodológicos das atividades propostas pelo Movimento (diálogo; discussões; reuniões e encontros) acabaram por permitir a participação efetiva dos intelectuais-monitores e, de resto, dos demais participantes, na construção da experiência.