This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.

Thesis submitted to the faculty of arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of arts. / This thesis examines the political trajectories of the Independent union movement from 1970-1993. It argues that the political strategies adopted by tbe unions' leadership reflected significant difterences with regard to the political contest over the democratic form of South African society. The political ideology of the unions' leadership was made up of two contrasting 'logics' of political struggle. The one, which we characterise as "simple polarisation", viewed the objective of the unions' struggles primarily in terms of a competition for political dominance which involved a simple dichotomy between the apartheid state and a unified opposition movement. In this view the opposition was conceived of as a homogenous, collective subject, unified in its common assault on the state. Underlying this logic of opposition was a denial of specific and different identities and interests and democracy was seen to be directly associated with the destiny of one distinct social actor. The logic of "simple polarisation" was dominant within the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) throughout the 1980's. It was nourished primarily by COSATU's close relationship with the charterist section of the wider opposition movement There existed within the unions a second political tradition which emphasised a logic of "institutionalised pluralism". This current viewed the organisation of opposition primarily in institutional terms. It emphasised the building of union independence outside the aegis of the wider opposltlon movement. Underlying this tradition was a pluralist conception of democracy, Associated with the early Federation of South African Trade Unions legacy of institutional independence, this logic reared its head within COSATU towards the late 1980's when the federation entered a series of corporatist arrangements with employers and the state. Although there seems to be evidence that there existed (at least some) support within the ranks of FOSATU of a form of workers' control more easily reconellable with an anti-pluralist than pluralist conception of democracy, the nature of FOSATU was such, that. when sufficiently pressed on the issue of which logic of democracy - "simple polarisation" or "institutionalised pluralism" - it endorsed, the latter would have been selected over the former. / Andrew Chakane 2019

Mettant en scène deux jeunes adultes vivant un amour impossible, le roman La garçonnière, de Mylène Bouchard, nous paraît marqué par une forte tension entre la prévisibilité d’une histoire d’amour typique suggérée par de nombreuses allusions intertextuelles – notamment à Roméo et Juliette de Shakespeare – et l’impulsion de ses personnages qui refusent de se soumettre à ces schémas bien connus. Notre hypothèse est que le roman représente un rapport problématique des personnages avec leur existence. En effet, par la mise en scène de protagonistes dont la vie semble soumise à des forces extérieures, le roman soulève des questions sur l’incidence de la fatalité sur leur parcours ainsi que sur la finalité de ce dernier. Pour réaliser cette représentation, le texte opère une série de « désamorçages » diégétiques et identitaires, questionnant le statut des personnages au sein du texte, la constitution de leur identité et la téléologie romanesque.

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中共第十一屆三中全會於一九七八年召開，會中標明了中共未來的走向，即中止政治 鬥爭，全心推行經濟建設。目標是大幅度地提昇生產力，並調整一切同生產力發展不 相應的管理方式、活動形式及領導模式。經過長時間的摸索，在全力發展生產力的共 識下，中共終於召開「十三大」，並提出了「初級階段論」，確定了經濟改革的必要 性。在經濟改革的過程之中，不可避免地導致大陸社會結構的變遷。此外，中共政權 的合法性，是來自於共產主義意識形態；在社會變遷的過程中，也對共黨意識形態造 成衝擊；中共可能的相應措施，是採取社會控制的強制手段，或是藉由再社會化過程 ，來重新詮釋意識形態的內容？ 本論文的主旨即在，探討（１）１９７８－１９８７年之間，經濟改革對社會結構的 影響，以及大陸社會結構的變遷。（２）社會變遷與意識形態的互動關係。本論文的 提要如下：第一章為緒論，包括研究源起，研究動機與目的。第二章為社會變遷理論 ，包括社會概念的釐定，社會變遷的方向與類型。第三章為大陸社會變遷（上），包 括對大陸城市，農村及經濟特區等社會結構的探討。第四為大陸社會變遷（下），從 社會行為變項來探討大陸結構的變遷，範圍包括規範與文化體系，人格體系及社會制 度等。第五章為意識形態與社會變遷，包括意識形態概念的界定，中共意識形態的核 心價值，以及意識形態與社會變遷之間，可能的互動關係。第六章為結論。

近來，直接投資日趨盛行，多國藉公司及其所從事之跨國界經濟活動已成為值得重視 的經濟發展之一。由於處於跨國界的經營型式，因而必然涉及匯率因素的影響：在固 定匯率下，雖無浮動匯率風險的存在，然而政府的匯率政策勢將影響多國藉公司的生 產與銷售決策；在浮動匯率下，多國藉公司所處的決策環境將不再是確定性的，而存 在有匯率風險。因此，如何應用避險行為來從事生產銷售決策，已是頗受注意的課題 。關於此方面，主要文獻如BATRA & HADAR （１９７９）、LTAGAKI （１９８１）、 BATRA & HADAR （１９８２）等曾有研究。其次，在面臨匯率不確定性的同時，初級 投入品之國際價格亦常有劇烈變化的情形發生（如１９７２─１９７４年期間），因 而使得商品價格不確定性提高，導致國際貿易行為同時面臨了匯率與價格的不確定性 ，有關於此，主要文獻如KAWAI & ZILCHA（１９８６），曾探討出口商在面臨匯率與 價格不確定時的避險措施及決策影響。 本文乃以KAWAI & ZILCHA（１９８６）的完全競爭廠商與BATRA & HADAR （１９７９ ）的不完全競爭廠商兩理論模型為基礎，除探討固定匯率之匯率政策以及浮動匯率之 匯率風險諸問題外，亦加入價格不確定性之考慮，探討多國藉公司之生產銷售決策與 避險行為。本論文主要分為四大部分，第一部份為緒論，包括動機與文獻回顧，第二 部份為固定匯率下多國藉公司之決策分析。第三部份為浮動匯率下，加入價格不確定 性，多國藉公司之決策分析，最後第四部份為結綸與比較。

共一冊，約十萬餘字，分前言及七章廿四節內容。 第一章：「日本的國力分析」，由摩根索所提國力構成要素：地理、人口、天然資源 、工業力、軍事力、民族性、輿論、外交、政府來剖析日本的國力，證明日本並非一 般人印象中的小國。 第二章：「脆弱的三邊協約－一九七八年日『中』和約」，分五節，從反霸條款之爭 到反霸條款的人容分析，中共的動機、蘇聯的反應，以迄美、「中」、日可能形成三 邊協約的結束，並附帶討論美匪建交給予日本的影響。 第三章：「日本與中共的經濟關係」，分五節，敘述歷次日本政府對中共的借款，中 共中止整廠建設問題導致日本業界對中共的不信、冷淡，及近幾年的貿易摩擦、香港 問題對日本的影響，並指出日本對中共四化的幻想，但未來日「中」的經濟合作仍可 望進展。 第四章：「日本及中共的軍事關係及日本的防衛政策」，共分五節。論及近年來雙方 的軍事人員交流，日本的防衛政策，日本對朝鮮半島的基本方針，及中曾根首相的中 共觀、防衛觀。 第五章：「教科書事件與中共的抗議」，分四節，敘述事件原因、日方關鍵人物、中 共的意圖，及日本的意圖。 第六章：「日本在美蘇中（共）三角的座標」，分六節，敘述福田首相以來的外交政 策，包括全方位外交及總合安保外交，並與中共、蘇聯的外交政策做一比較。 第七章：結論。

This investigation was designed to discover the reported patterns of perceptions and behaviors of building principals involved in the 1978 Tucson Unified School District teacher strike. The theoretical framework developed for this study was based on perceptual psychology and included the following areas: (1) perception; (2) empathy; (3) adequacy/self-concept; (4) relationships; (5) stress; and (6) perceptual framework. An interview schedule was developed, based on the theoretical framework, employing a Likert-type attitudinal scale together with an open-ended comment format. Quantitative data were collected based on the principals' responses to the scale items and qualitative data were collected based on the principals' comments on the scale items. Forty principals who were principals during the strike were interviewed in-depth regarding their perceptions and behaviors on the following aspects of the strike: (1) issues and causes; (2) influences; (3) stress; (4) relationships; (5) post-strike views; and (6) attitudes. All the data were collected during the field interviews. The principal sample was a volunteer sample selected from the total population based on their willingness to participate. Among the findings, the following appeared to be the most significant: (1) salary was perceived as the major strike issue and the way the School Board and District Office handled the issues as the primary cause of the strike; (2) the principals perceived themselves and the Tucson Education Association as having the most influence on the teachers' decisions to strike and the teachers' strike behaviors; (3) the principals reported experiencing the most stress during the strike and the least stress before the strike. As a group, the high school principals experienced the most amount of stress and elementary principals experienced the least amount of stress; (4) a break in relationships with significant others, especially teachers, was a major strike concern of the principals; (5) most of the principals perceived the strike as successful in terms of the teachers achieving their goals but costly in terms of relationships; and (6) the majority of the principals were opposed to the act of striking.

This investigation was designed to study the patterns of perceptions of the central office administrators involved in the 1978 Tucson Unified School District teacher strike. The theoretical framework developed for this study, which was based on perceptual psychology, included the following areas: (1) perception; (2) empathy; (3) adequacy/self-concept; (4) relationships; (5) stress; and (6) perceptual framework. An interview schedule was developed based on the theoretical framework. The schedule utilized a Likert-type attitudinal scale as well as an open-ended comment format. Quantitative data were collected based on the principals' responses to the scale items. Qualitative data were based on comments on each of the scale items. Twenty-one central office administrators who were in those positions at the time of the strike were interviewed in-depth regarding their perceptions on the following aspects of the strike: (1) issues and causes; (2) relationships; (3) stress; (4) post-strike views. All of the data were collected during the field interviews. The central office administrator sample was a volunteer sample selected from the total population based on their willingness to participate. Among the findings, the following appeared to be the most significant: (1) the superintendents and school board were cited most frequently as the major cause of the strike; (2) relationships with any of the significant others were not significantly impacted by the strike; (3) the participants were most stressed during the strike. They indicated the least stress was experienced in the pre-strike period; (4) a break in relationships with significant others, especially teachers, was a major strike concern of the central office administrators; (5) Tucson Education Association was perceived by the majority of the participants to have acted in a responsible manner before and during the strike; (6) the consensus agreement was considered by the majority of the participants to be a fair and equitable resolution to the problem; (7) central office administrators, for the most part, did not perceive the strike as having a negative impact on their effectiveness as central office administrators; and (8) the efforts of the district to effectively meet district educational goals was not negatively impacted by the strike circumstances, according to slightly less than a majority of the participants.

In this study, the investigator sought to ascertain what personal relationships existed within the organizational structure of the Tucson (Arizona) Education Association (TEA), and between these TEA members and the Tucson Unified School District officials before, during, and after the teacher strike of 1978. The investigator reviewed literature in the areas of: (1) labor relations, (2) teacher strike activity, (3) perceptual psychology, (4) relational theory, and (5) organizational theory. On this basis, an interview schedule was constructed to ascertain certain of the personal relationships of selected Tucson Education Association members. Forty members of the Tucson Education Association, selected on the basis of nomination by strike-related TEA leaders, were interviewed utilizing the interview schedule. The data thus collected was collated, analyzed, and presented in the form of: (1) case studies and (2) descriptions of responses grouped by subquestions derived from the statement of the problem. Additional data permitting the construction of a chronology of strike-associated events prior to, during, and after the strike were gathered from local news sources, Tucson Education Association literature, and TEA respondents. The study highlighted the apparent lack of supportive and productive relationships existing between Tucson Education Association respondents and Tucson Unified School District officials before, during, and after the strike. Such human relationships appear, according to this study, to be central to the productivity of a school district's professional staff. From this perception, the investigator suggested that school district management personnel, while concerning themselves with the technical aspects of their organizations, should display an equal concern for the quality of the human relationships within their organizations.