Greece's accession to the EEC represents a fascinating case-study of the history of enlargement, of European integration and finally of the Cold War in the late 1970s.This thesis is the first detailed archivally-based study of the second enlargement. It is based on an extensive multi-archival and multinational research, including records of the Greek, American, British, French and German governments, of the EEC institutions (Commission, Council of Ministers) and a collection of personal papers. The conventional account of the second enlargement focuses solely on Greece and its policy towards the EEC. In contrast, this thesis casts new light on the way in which the Nine as a whole responded to the challenges posed by the Greek accession. Through this Community-based approach, this thesis challenges traditional views of the reasons that led Greece to apply for EEC membership, the rationale behind the Nine's acceptance of the Greek application, and generally casts new light on the way in which the Nine thought and finally acted regarding Greece's membership during the actual accession negotiations. Looking at these actors can tear down common misconceptions or, indeed, confirm existing beliefs about the communautaire behaviour of the Nine in the second enlargement. It also allows new conclusions to be drawn about the internal development of the Community in the 1970s, especially in relation to the perennial dilemma of widening versus deepening, while highlighting important aspects of the mechanics of the enlargement process. Last but not least, this thesis aims to place the details of the Greek negotiations within the context of regional and international considerations dominated by the realities of the Cold War, thus underlining the linkage between the two parallel developments of European integration and the Cold War. This thesis provides a detailed analysis of a vital chapter not only in post-war Greek history but, most importantly, in the process of European integration and Cold War in the 1970s.

This thesis seeks to explain why European Union (EU) member states choose to pursue their foreign policy objectives regarding Russia at the EU level or bilaterally. It explores the idea in the literature that national governments engage in ‘venue shopping’ to achieve national foreign policy objectives. The thesis examines the question of how EU member states engage with Russia by examining different policy case studies (energy relations, democracy and human rights promotion, bilateral disputes). It analyses member governments’ choice of policy route from two contrasting, but complementary perspectives, exploring both rational choice arguments from a 'logic of expected consequences' perspective (focusing on the anticipated costs and benefits of national governments' choice of policy route) and social constructivist arguments from a 'logic of appropriateness' perspective (focusing on the effects of EU membership and the socialisation of national representatives into the rules and norms of behaviour in the EU on the political elites' choice of policy route). With a systematic analysis of national governments’ choices across different policy issues it helps clarify the motivations underpinning the decision to pursue national foreign policy objectives at the European or the national level. It thereby contributes to filling a lacuna in the existing literature on EU-Russia relations and the extant research on member states’ foreign policies in the EU context. The contributions to existing scholarship that the thesis makes are: first, it demonstrates that the decision to cooperate, or act at the bilateral level, is not as clear cut as it is often depicted. I show that in most cases it is not a question of either-or. Member states frequently pursue cooperation at the EU level to achieve foreign policy objectives that they also pursue at the bilateral level. Second, I show that member states’ choices are predominantly influenced by their assessment of the utility of the European and the national route. There is considerably less evidence to suggest that the European level is being privileged as a result of a socialisation in the EU, so the length of membership, and thus the duration of national decision-makers' exposure to EU policy-making processes does not determine a member government’s choice and influences it only to a limited extent. Third, I show that the size/capacity of the member state they represent is but one factor influencing national governments in their choice of foreign policy route. Whether a state is large or small gives indications of a national government's likely choice, but it does not offer definitive insights into which policy route will be chosen on a particular issue. Fourth, I concur with existing research that argues that a distinction between policy issues in terms of their hierarchy (‘first order’ or ‘second order’) provides insights into member states’ likely choice, but I argue that it is necessary to not just focus on the policy domain, but also to differentiate within a policy domain between the pursuit of broader framework objectives that deliver benefits to all member states and those objectives on which individual states accrue gains in the absence of a common EU agreement with Russia. Fifth, this thesis highlights the importance of how member states perceive Russia - as a threat or as an opportunity – and the importance they attribute to maintaining ‘friendly’, ‘pragmatic’ relations for whether they cooperate at the EU level or opt for the pursuit of their individual relations with Russia at the bilateral level. Finally, on the basis of the findings from the three analytically and empirically significant cases I argue that member states’ choices are highly contingent and can only be explained by considering the interplay between the different factors that enter into national governments’ calculus regarding the utility of the EU route versus the bilateral pursuit of national foreign policy objectives.

This work aims to provide an alternative analysis of the regional economic integration and development projects of two peripheral capitalist spaces – Mexico and Turkey – within the specific spatiotemporal conditions in which their modern peripheral capitalist spatiality has been conditioned and re-structured. Both Mexico and Turkey undertook very similar regional integration projects that emerged almost simultaneously and, more significantly, in conjunction with the neoliberal restructuring processes that unfurled during the early 1980s. In the Central American region, Mexico initiated the ‘Plan Puebla-Panamá’ which subsequently evolved to the ‘Proyecto Mesoamérica’, now including Colombia, aiming to ‘create’ an integrated region with a high level of economic development on the basis of procuring sustainable and orderly functioning free market economies. With strikingly similar objectives, Turkey planned and materialised regional integration projects such as the organisation of the ‘Black Sea Economic Cooperation’ in the Black Sea and Trans-Caucasus region and other sub-regional projects such as the ‘Levant Project’ in the East Mediterranean. This work argues that these regional integration projects have to be defined and analysed within the multiscalar neoliberal restructuring processes, in which the global capitalist spatiality has been re-territorialised – and resisted – on different socio-spatial scales. The uneven geographical development and its constant reproduction is recognised as the determinant factor of these regional integration projects, in which the Mexican and Turkish peripheral capitalist spatiality was first reconfigured and integrated into the centre through their incorporation into the NAFTA and European Customs Union. Subsequently, conditioned by the current neoliberal rescaling of the peripheral capitalist spatiality, the peripheral capitalism extended towards the ‘marginal’ spaces in their immediate geographies in the form of sub-regional integration and development projects. Therefore, this work presents the examination of the specific spatiotemporal processes as the only meaningful theoretical framework to analyse these regional integration projects, in which the uneven development of the peripheral capitalist social relations in Mexico and Turkey have been formed, reconfigured and extended.

This study is an attempt at determining the normative legitimacy of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). At its core, it scrutinizes the current mandate of the organization following the layering of economic integration objectives with human rights protection, sustenance of democracy, and the rule of law. The study discusses the elements of legitimacy across disciplines mainly, international law, international relations and political science. Legitimacy is eventually split along two divides, the normative and descriptive/sociological aspects. The study traces the normative content (shared/common values) underlying integration in Africa, concluding that integration has been born on new ideals such as human rights, democracy and the rule of law. Expectedly, Regional Economic Communities (RECs) as building blocks of the prospective African Economic Community (AEC) under the African Union (AU) regime are mandated to play a vital role in moving the continent forward upon these values. The inquiry is extended to the institutions of ECOWAS to determine their capacity to effectively implement the new mandate of the organization and operate supranationally. In the process, key legal and institutional shortcomings are discussed, particularly in relation to national institutions. It is argued that while human rights protection enhances the normative legitimacy of ECOWAS, it must not be pursued in isolation. Economic integration and protection of citizens’ rights are co-terminus and mutually reinforcing. Hence, community institutions must reflect this link if they are to be effective. The study concludes on the note that, while ECOWAS possesses layers of legitimacy, and have carried out legitimation steps, it cannot be considered a legitimate organization if Member States continue to be non-compliant with community objectives and if key legal questions remain unaddressed. It is submitted that ECOWAS is merely undergoing legitimation, whether it can eventually be considered a legitimate organization is dependent on addressing the identified challenges.

Trade is largely considered a driving force of economic growth and development of nations. To this end, there is vast and far-reaching research on the subject, especially on matters international. However, research on intra-African trade is lacking in comparison to research on trade amongst the rest of the world, not just developed, but also developing countries alike. That aside there are numerous efforts put in place to enhance and encourage trade within and without the continent. The research presented in this thesis aims to investigate and address three key issues specific to intra-Africa trade. The questions asked are: are the measures currently in place successful in the promotion of intra-Africa trade; is the continent ready for measures about to be implemented and after all that, is trade really the key driving force for economic growth and development within Africa? To answer these questions, the research presented here in this thesis employs the gravity modelling approach, the G-PPP test and develops a macro-economic model which is applied to the Kenyan economy. The results indicate that; yes, trade is significant and important in determining economic growth, and while measures taken thus far such as the creation of Economic Integrations have not been as successful as was envisioned, trade openness continues to be among the most important ways in which trade is encouraged and enhanced, to this end, although the continent is yet to fulfil all the requirements for the formation of a full-blown Economic Union, it is ready for drastic measures such as the formation of a currency union. Literature reveals that this could form the basis of hastening complete integration and harmonization of all systems of the participating economies, thereby benefiting not just trade but also all other sectors of the economies.

La France a obtenu de ses partenaires l’inclusion des territoires d’outre-mer dans le traité de Rome instituant la CEE. L’objectif était, en période de décolonisation, de maintenir des liens entre les métropoles et les anciennes colonies dans un contexte nouveau. Entre 1958 et 1963, les Six expérimentent un système d’association avec les pays tiers, en particulier les états africains et malgache associés (EAMA) qui permet de maintenir des liens économiques particuliers avec ces états souverains, sous couvert d’une aide au développement. La Convention de Yaoundé de juillet 1963 marque la volonté des Six d’institutionnaliser et de coordonner leurs relations avec les pays tiers africains et malgache et jette les bases d’une politique de coopération, consolidée par des renouvellements de cette Convention. Celles-ci furent basées au niveau commercial, sur des préférences tarifaires et contingentaires réciproques et une assistance financière et technique. Aux termes d’une décennie d’association, le bilan du soutien au développement fut très maigre. Excepté la coopération dans le domaine de l’enseignement et de la formation où il y a eu une hausse de la scolarisation dans la plupart des EAMA, les résultats au niveau économique furent dérisoires : les préférences dont ils bénéficièrent se réduisirent progressivement à peu de chose, ils restèrent encore très dépendants et fortement endettés. Leur économie était toujours basée sur l’exportation des produits tropicaux et l’extraction des minerais et les termes de l’échange très déséquilibrés. / France has obtained from its partners the inclusion of the overseas territories in the Treaty of Rome which established the EEC. The goal was to maintain relations between the mainlands and the former colonies in a new context during the decolonisation.Between 1958 and 1963, the Six experienced a partnership system with third countries, particularly the African and Malgach Associated States (AMAS) which allowed to maintain particular economic ties with these sovereign states on behalf of development aid. The July 1963 Convention of Yaounde marked the will of the Six to institutionalise and coordinate their relations with African and Malgache third countries and laying the foundations of cooperation policy, consolidated by the renewal of this convention. On the commercial level, These agreements were based on mutual preferencial tariffs and quotas and financial and technical assistance.At the end of a decade of association, the development aid assessement was very poor, except for the field of education and training where an increase in schooling was witnessed in most of the AMAS, but in terms of economy, results were insignificant: the preferences they benefited from gradually decreased into little, They still remained very dependent and heavily indebted. Their economy was still based on the export of tropical products and mining and the very unbalanced terms of trade.

The thesis examines how the European Commission incorporated and implemented migration policy as part of the European Union’s external relations, also known as the external dimension of migration. The focus of the thesis is on the period between the coming into force of the Amsterdam Treaty in 1999, when migration largely came to fall under the Commission’s remit, and the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty in 2009. The study compares how the Commission’s Directorates-General (DGs) involved in the external dimension of migration during this period—Justice, Liberty and Security, External Relations and Development—made sense of the changes introduced to their responsibilities. The thesis proposes that the concept of organisational culture, drawn from organisational sociology, can explain how actors interact with and collectively make sense of their organisational environment. The main argument of the thesis is that each of the DGs possesses an organisational culture based on its members’ shared readings of priorities and the function of their unit. The thesis examines these divergent organisational cultures to gauge how policies are internalised and translated into output. The analysis contributes to the external governance literature, which has theorised the external dimension of migration as a continuation of European integration processes without accounting for internal organisational dynamics. It also leads to reflections on organisational sociology theorising, and the implications of the findings on studies of organisational change and implementation. This thesis is divided into five chapters. The first provides a background for how the Commission came to be involved in migration policy. The second provides a theoretical framework for the study, building on organisational sociology. The remaining chapters empirically analyse the three elements of organisational culture: DG members’ sources of organisational identity, their perceptions and prioritisations of the external dimension of migration, and their reading of the Commission’s implementation practices, focusing on relations with Morocco as a tool for illustrating the latter.

Cette thèse s’articule autour de la question suivante : comment la fondation, organisation à but non lucratif, peut contribuer à une perspective de développement dans une économie fondée sur la connaissance ? Premièrement, nous analysons les missions philanthropiques de renforcement des capacités qui nous permettent de distinguer deux trajectoires de renforcement créatrices de connaissances : la valorisation des connaissances autochtones (tacites) et le transfert de connaissances explicites. Deuxièmement, nous établissons une typologie des fondations créatives qui oeuvrent pour le développement à travers leur capacité de transfert et de coproduction de connaissance. Grâce à une étude empirique qualitative menée auprès de trente trois fondations de sept nationalités, nos résultats statistiques et économétriques montrent que les activités lucratives de la fondation ont un impact favorable à l’amélioration des capacités de transfert de connaissances. Par ailleurs, la fondation de statut privé, n’est pas la plus dynamique en matière de transfert de savoirs. L’identification de ces facteurs essentiels au renforcement des capacités permet une meilleure coordination entre les acteurs renforçateurs et renforcés issus de cultures différentes. Les communautés de pratique et épistémiques qui émergent de ces relations de renforcement placent les fondations créatives au centre des perspectives de développement pour les pays du sud. Notre analyse du développement met en exergue la contribution des initiatives philanthropiques créatrices de connaissances comme le renforcement des capacités. / This thesis deals with the question of how a foundation, non profit organization, can contribute to the development in knowledge based economy? Firstly, we analyze the philanthropic mission of capacity building that enables us to discern two trajectories of creative knowledge building: the development of indigenous knowledge (tacit) and explicit knowledge transfer. Secondly, we establish a typology of creative foundations which work at the development through their capacity of transfer and coproduction of knowledge.Through a qualitative empirical study conducted among thirty three foundations of seven nationalities, our statistical and econometric results show that “profit-making activities” of the foundation have a positive impact on improving knowledge transfer capabilities. Besides, the private foundation is not the most dynamic in the transfer of knowledge. The identification of these critical factors in capacity building allows for better coordination between actors “reinforcers” and reinforced from different cultures. Communities of practice and epistemic Communities emerging from this relationship place the foundations at the center of creative development prospects for the South. Our analysis of the development highlights the contribution of knowledge-creating philanthropic initiatives such as capacity building.

Nous vivons à l’ère de la mondialisation dans un monde qui a vu la multiplication des relations diplomatiques, économiques et culturelles. Ces échanges internationaux sont anciens avec notamment, le commerce triangulaire où les navires européens échangeaient des bibeloteries ou de l’alcool en Afrique, contre des esclaves qu’ils vendaient en Amérique du Nord et dans les Caraïbes. Ils repartaient ensuite vers l’Europe avec du coton, ou des denrées alimentaires, parfois nouvelles pour les sociétés européennes modifiant ainsi les habitudes culinaires et les cultures agricoles. « La mondialisation était en marche avant l’accélération qu’il est convenu d’appeler la révolution industrielle » (Grataloup 2001,p. 154). Dans un premier temps, les échanges n’ont concerné que des biens ne pouvant être produits ou collectés que dans des espaces particuliers, telles des productions végétales(coton, bois, fruits et légumes, épices), ou dont le poids et le volume rendaient difficile le transport (minerais et pondéreux). Avec le développement des transports, la réduction de leurs coûts et l’accroissement de leur efficacité (vitesse, diffusion, capacité de transport...),la quantité de biens transportés mais aussi leur nature ont évolué. Les trente glorieuses ont vu la diffusion de produits culturels comme la musique, les films ou encore les modes de vie et les rêves comme « l’idéal américain ». Il semble que, au-delà des pratiques sociales, ce sont les politiques qui paraissent être touchées par le phénomène de mondialisation. Les technologies de l’information et de la communication ont permis la réduction des distances, de leur rôle de barrière entre les individus et les sociétés. Le développement du moteur à explosion puis celui de nouveaux moyens de communications comme le téléphone, la radio ou la télévision ont été entièrement les vecteurs de ce rapprochement. / No abstract available

Cette thèse comprend trois études sur l’impact de l’intégration commerciale et de la libéralisation des investissements de l’ASEAN suivant les recherches empiriques de la Nouvelle Économie Géographique (NEG). Les stratégies empiriques consistent à mesurer des coûts de commerce, l’accès au marché ainsi qu’à estimer les modèles de gravité théorique. La première étude examine le progrès de l’intégration commerciale et leur impact sur la performance exportatrice. La deuxième étude voit comment la libéralisation commerciale croissante affecte les inégalités régionales. La troisième étude examine l’impact des accords d’investissement sur l’attractivité des IDE des pays de l’ASEAN. Ces résultats mettent en lumière les avantages et défis de la Communauté Économique de l’ASEAN qui aura lieu à la fin de 2015. / This thesis concerns three studies on the impact of ASEAN trade integration and investment liberalization following empirical research agenda of the new economic geography (NEG). Empirical strategies deal with measuring trade costs, market access and the estimation of modern gravity models. The first study evaluates trade integration progress in ASEAN and its impact on export performance with help of trade costs and market access indicators. The second study examines how improved market access, though deepening trade liberalization, can impact regional inequality. The third study investigates the impact of investment agreement on FDI attractiveness of the ASEAN countries. The results help shed light on potential benefits and challenges ahead of the upcoming ASEAN Economic Community at the end of 2015.