On account of China¡¦s dynamic economic growth, its relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) states to its south have expanded rapidly in recent years, culminating in the conclusion of the landmark ¡§China-ASEAN Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement¡¨ in 2002. Beyond trade and economic activities, China-ASEAN cooperation has been broadened to cover environment, science and technology, non-traditional security areas and related legal issues. Thus, China¡¦s relations with ASEAN have reached a new era where the two sides have established an economic, political and legal framework for their comprehensive cooperation. Of course, economic cooperation is most important in China-ASEAN relations. The most significant of the initiatives, in terms of members, is the China¡VASEAN Free Trade Area now under negotiation and will be established in 2010. If agreement is reached, this will be the world¡¦s biggest free trade area, encompassing 2 billion people, a collective GDP of almost US$2 trillion, and intra-regional trade of US$1.2 trillion. On the political aspect, China succeeded by means of the bilateral cooperation in economy and trade reached to sign the agreement of ¡§on Strategic Partnership for Peace and Prosperity¡¨ and ¡§Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea¡¨. China also accessed ¡§Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia¡¨ in 2003. These movements want to eliminate the ¡§China threaten¡¨ concepts which exist in the ASEAN countries. China, however, needs stable international environment to expand its economy. The aim of this dissertation is to examine the China¡¦s roles and strategies in the process of forming a new Asian regionalism. Currently, Ease Asia is witnessing the emergence of a few trade blocs and many ambitious projects implying closer integration in the region. According to the neo-realist perspective, regionalism is developing more full in those areas of the word where there is a local hegemonic power that is able to create and maintain regional institution. China to make use of regional hegemony offers the public goods stabilizing and developing its relations with ASEAN countries. On the basis of friendly neighboring diplomacy and peaceful rise, China and ASEAN will create free trade area, cooperate to achieve various kinds of sub-region developing, and initiate security mechanism (include the non-traditional security). China would like to build a ¡§China-ASEAN regionalism¡¨ by means of comprehensive cooperation in the future.

This thesis addresses issues concerning trade effects of a particular RTA: AFTA. In the first part of the thesis, 2 different but related gravity frameworks are constructed as to evaluate the independent effects of AFTA on relevant countries' trade flows. The first paper proposes examining ‘AFTA-effects' on members' trade, specifically within the AFTA context. This aims to distinguish trade effects that AFTA has had on early and delayed members' trading patterns. The panel ‘Gravity Model' is constructed, pointing to control for several biases commonly observed in the cross-section model. Although the result implies that early members do share trade benefits from AFTA more than non-members, the overall ‘AFTA-effects' on the membership's trade have not been benign. Another paper measures ‘AFTA-effects' on both members' and non-members' trade. This aims to assess whether AFTA has played a role as an export base for the international market. In this case, ‘AFTA-effects' appeared positive. Such effects are driven by an enhancement in extra-export bias, suggesting that the membership's exports to outside destinations have increased post-AFTA. The last paper provides a theoretical framework addressing the incidence of RTA-membership expansion. The fact that AFTA was gradually established and empirical results indicating AFTA's impacts on members and non-members brings about the idea that bloc-membership expansion could plausibly be explained by the economic effects that these countries have received. The corollaries of trading with/without RTA-membership of a potential member's gains of trade and welfare levels are related to the decision towards membership. Even though welfare effects are not always greater, the RTA-membership status surely benefits member countries in gains from trade more than non-members. This can be perceived as one of the important reasons to explain the widespread regionalism worldwide and why joining the RTA is often seen as a safe haven strategy for a country.

The focus of this research is the relationship between economic cooperation and security regime in the East Asia based on the theory of neo-functionalism. After the Cold War, the economic cooperation in the East Asia become deeper, meanwhile, the North Korea's nuclear problem is still the hotspot in the East Asia. In the process of cooperation in the East Asia, the relationship between economic cooperation and security regime is complementary, which could solve the North Korea's nuclear problem. The process and frame of the relationship between economic cooperation and security regime in the East Asia, will be analyzed in this thesis for offering the government¡¦s decision-making about the possibility of Taiwan¡¦s engagement in the regional cooperation in East Asia.

The economical globalization has led the region economic cooperation development. In 2002 Euro was released, the European integration is being made an epoch . US and Canada, Mexico have set up the North America free trade area in 1994, and it will start the Free Trade Area of the Americas negotiations. Under this background, this thesis set out the cooperation between China and ASEAN with the approach New-functionalism. This thesis divides into six chapters to study the cooperation between China and ASEAN cooperate of economic cooperation with the China, the first chapter is an introduction, in the second chapter Neo-functionalism will be explored . In the third chapter, the modernization of China, the evolution of ASEAN and subsquentlly the motive of cooperation from both of them are the major point to be analyzed. Last but certainly not least, whether the Neo-functionalism can be applied to explore the case of the PRC-ASEAN free trade area, will be comprehensively analyzed.

With the world to accelerate the pace of economic globalization, the international economic and trade exchanges between the increasingly frequent, convention and exhibition industry as the 21st century, one of the three smoke-free green industry, which has led high-economic effect of the urban economy will play a non - invaluable role in promoting. In view of the host city for the exhibition industry can be derived from the surrounding economic benefits, both countries attach considerable importance to the development of the local exhibition industry, convention and exhibition industry as a dynamic and broad prospects for the sunrise industry. Since mainland China since the reform and opening in 1978, first announced in 2002 on the exhibition industry in the national economy of the output data, and their integration into the national industrial classification system, convention and exhibition industry in China is currently in long-term. With China's rapid economic growth, the exhibition industry in recent years, the CPC has attached great importance, the rapid development in the city, based on differences in local conditions, achievements such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and other characteristics of the well-known stars Convention and Exhibition City, Mainland China's exhibition industry of the city are gradually developed. In this paper, explore the exhibition industry in the overall development of China's situation, and analysis of the Guangxi regional development in the characteristics, as well as its exhibition industry generated, and in-depth study ¢w China- ASEAN Expo, the contents of its operations to assess the effectiveness of such measures. Comprehensive Analysis of the parties, outline the Convention and Exhibition Industry in China's development model.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Murdoch University, 2007. / Thesis submitted to the Division of Arts. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 296-309).

The objective of this work is to analyze the phenomenon of regionalism in Southeast Asia with the emphasize on ASEAN and its impact on member states. The first part of the theses is theoretical and explains the development and characteristics of regionalism. The second part of the theses is practical and analyses impact of ASEAN in economical area, trade area and also area of diplomatic relations.

With China¡¦s renaissance the most important factor for its good neighborhood policy is to shape multilateral regime. In this thesis the author is attempted to use the approach of neoliberal institutionalism examining how China uses regime to carry out its national interest. Furthermore, the cooperation between China and ASEAN on regional trade agreements, confidence building measures, nontraditional security area, as well as building of East Asian Community will be discussed. In parallel with this context how China and ASEAN use regime to maintain their own interest and to prevent each other going beyond the proportional profit will be analysed.

After Cold war, the trend of economical globalization has led the region cooperation development. As China is going to focus on economic growing, its good neighborhood policy is most important especially in East Asia.In 2002, ASEAN and China decide to build up a free trade area between each other. The China-ASEAN free trade area is expected to be an important economic area in 2010. The study is using Neo-functionalism to analyze China¡¦s policy in East Asia.To explore the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area ,its circumstance and development.

This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.