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以往諸多研究兩岸軍事互信機制（Military Confidence-Building Measures, MCBMs），始終糾結於兩岸主權之議題，於是陷入兩岸各自堅持「一中原則」或「九二共識」及「維持現狀」的「非此即彼」胡同中，甚而忽略此問題的癥結是兩岸共同的安全問題。因為兩岸「我執」的關係，於是化約成國家主權而不見，或犧牲全球或次國家社會及群體個人的共同安全利益，故本文主張超越國家主權的思維，以兩岸共同安全為前提，透由第三選擇之安全治理的格局，融入第三者美國或區域國家來共同推動兩岸軍事互信機制，方能突破僵局，共創兩岸安全、穩定與和平。 / Many studies in the past cross-strait Military Confience-Building Measures, always entangled in the issue of cross-strait sovereignty, then caught the two sides adhere to their "one China principle" or the "1992 consensus" and "status quo" in "either-or" alley, and even ignore this the crux of the problem is on both sides of common security problems. Because cross-strait "ego" relationship, so for about a country's sovereignty and not see, or at the expense of common security interests of the global or national community and groups of individuals, therefore we advocate supranational sovereignty of thinking, cross-strait common security as a precondition, through the pattern third choice of security governance, into the United States or other countries in the regin to jointly promote cross-strait Military Confience-Building Measures to break the deadlock and create a cross-strait security, stability and peace.

In the study, Cross-Domain analysis is used for ¡§Factual judgement, Value judgement and Interpersonal judgement.¡¨ The result of Factual judgement is made by the interviews of seven retired officers, scholars and experts. And it proceeds as ¡§true¡¨ judgement. Value judgement is indicated by in-depth intervuews with 3 representatives to obtain the ¡§good¡¨ judgement. Interpersonal judgement is based on overall strategies of the ¡§interactive management research group¡¨ and combines it with the perpectives of all patrties, as individuals and as groups, to conclude the ¡§beautiful¡¨ judgement. All the judgements are correspomded to the analysis of the analysis of the constitution, cognitive and conditions of the research topics. In order to have effective controls of all judgement factors, the interview topics are designed from the study of Mainland China1978 reform, and the rapid economic development, the double digit military spending, and the discussion of ¡§China threat theory¡¨, and the discussion by both sides leaders, academia to establish ¡§Military Confidence Building Measures (MCBMs)¡¨ in the PAM Framemork. The 10 steps of Cross-Domain analysis are used to clarify all studied objects and factors in order to obtain the recognition of experts. The practical policy suggestions are expected. Under PAM Framework, factual judgement perspective, majority of scholars and retired officers agree the necessary to establish ¡§Military Confidence Building Measures (MCBMs)¡¨. However due to the lack of political trust, time is not yet ripe. Retired officers suggest communication through media may solve the obstacles that impacted by the political environment in southern regions. Scholars have proposed that the southern people are affected by their own political inclinaitions, as well as the idea of their supported parties. From non-government exchange to government exchange, the recognition by people can be achieved by understanding the cultural difference and proceed to political and military trust. In vaule judgement, representatives realized the topic is involved in cross-strait relationship, political and military aspect and the uncertainty of policy. Therefore, they all took a more conservative point of view. However, they all agree that MCBMs should be based on the removal of missiles, and follow by the current policy ¡§economy first, political after¡¨ to establish non-government exchange. Due to state of hostility, it is recommended to start from oversea activities such as sea rescue and anti-piracy project. Work from political trust toward military trust. In interpersonal judgemant, a NGT and ISM two stages seminar is held by the ¡§interactive management research group¡¨. The participants voted through a weighted method to conclude 12 specific strategies to establish MCBMs. The strategies are summarized as follow: 1. Removed the missile targeting Taiwan from Mainland China to show the premise of MCBMs. 2. Provide National defense information for each party, to promote cross-strait arms information transparence, and eliminate ideological confrontation. 3. The establishment of cross-strait joint rescue mechanism. 4. The establishment of hotline for leader on both side. 5. The establishment of regular exchange visits of high level military decision makers on both sides. 6. The establishment of cross-strait military information interaction and communication platform. 7. The establishment of oversight system for MCBMs, such as supervised NGO consists of globally well-known and remarkable Cninese accepted by both sides. 8. From civil to government organization to held cross-strait military academic exchange and conference. 9. Showing grace by military budget and arm reduction. 10. Clarify the content of MCBMs. Develop cross-strait affairs negotiators. 11. Signing peace treaty to end hostile confrontation. 12.A nuclear, chemical and biological regulation treaty signed by both sides. In short, use the cross-domain analysis result to study the possibilities and challenges that might happen during the establishment of MCBMs. The following 5 recommendations can be used for future policy execution reference: 1. Strengthen the policy advocacy, public forums and policy discussion to enhance citizens¡¦ identity. 2. Strengthen cross-strait economic and cultural exchanges to relieve hostile condition. 3. Use ¡§1992 Consensus¡¨ as framework to establish political mutual trust. 4. Establish communication platform to eliminate speculations on both sides. 5. Deepen collaborative platform and signed a peace treaty.

China and India relations changed tremendously after the Cold War. Economic development is the utmost priority at the end of the Cold War, deriving from recognition that international competition is shifting from military confrontation to overall economic, scientific, and technological capabilities. Therefore, the two countries appeared to recognize the futility of confrontation, and moves to rebuild confidence proceeded apace. With an emphasis on seeking co-operation in other areas of mutual benefit, both sides agreed to break the impasse on the boundary question and to maintain peace and stability along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). This positive spirit was reflected in the signing of Confidence-building measures (CBMs) and Trade Protocol which helped develop better mutual understanding. But India feels uneasy to observe China's rising economic and military capability across East Asia, because the 1962 War had cast long shadows in their elite¡¦s memory. New Delhi is concerned about China¡¦s assistance to Pakistan¡¦s nuclear and missile program, and offer military weapons to Sri Lanka, Nepal and Myanmar by far. New Delhi has always viewed any China, Pakistan and Myanmar¡¦s relationship as a scheme to strangle or restraint India¡¦s strategic throughout the Indian Ocean. Thus India drive for defense modernization focuses on strategic forces, especially its acquisition of certain high-profile naval ships and systems, and prepared to assert its interests to counter the rise in Chinese interest there. Moreover, India spreads China threat when China rising across East Asia that reinforced the worry of China¡¦s neighbors about China¡¦s power spread through their countries. It is obvious that one of the reasons why ASEAN was keen to bring India into the regional affairs was the concern with China. Therefore, India proceeds to more bilateral exchanges and boost economic, even military exercises with each Southeast Asian country. Furthermore, Indian continued hosting of the Tibetan government in exile to counter China support of the Pakistan. The study focuses on : India and China, the two most populous nations on earth, how these two emerging great powers manage their cooperation and competition in the coming years will have a major impact on regional security. The purpose of this research is from the perspective realism of geopolitics approach to analyze the factors of Sino-Indian competition and cooperation, as well as analysis the two countries historical conflict and evolution toward potential cooperation and quiet competition currently.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2004. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 203-225).

This research project studies the military exchanges between the United States and People's Republic of China. US-PRC relations have experienced uneven developments over the last decadeas the two major powers have grappled with the evolving post-Cold War international security Environment as well as shifting domestic agendas and foreign policy priorities. While the October 2002 Crawford summit between Presidents Bush and Jiang, and the resumption of the Defense Consultation Talks in December 2002 offer the prospect for restoring bilateral military exchanges. For a more stable bilateral military relationship to develop and be sustained, longer-term strategies must be formulated that emphasize engagement, exchanges, and better understanding of each other's common interests, priorities, and policy options. Among the key features of this relationship are high-level exchange visits of defense ministers and military leaders; confidence-building measures, including the Military Maritime Consultative Agreement, annual Defense Consultation Talks, and port visits; and regular contacts at the functional level between the two countries' national defense universities and military academies. The EP-3 incident raised the importance of China in the Bush Administration's immediate policy agenda. The resolution of the incident has pointed to the need for dialogue. The 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks provided additional impetuses for rebuilding the bilateral relationship, including efforts to restore military-to-military exchanges.

With China¡¦s renaissance the most important factor for its good neighborhood policy is to shape multilateral regime. In this thesis the author is attempted to use the approach of neoliberal institutionalism examining how China uses regime to carry out its national interest. Furthermore, the cooperation between China and ASEAN on regional trade agreements, confidence building measures, nontraditional security area, as well as building of East Asian Community will be discussed. In parallel with this context how China and ASEAN use regime to maintain their own interest and to prevent each other going beyond the proportional profit will be analysed.

Trust between states and the principle of mutual trust in international law This thesis focuses on the role of trust in international law. The main objective is to assess the position and use of trust between states and in relevant areas and institutes of international law. Another key objective is to clarify the function of the principle of mutual trust. The thesis core is divided into three research areas. The first one aims to describe the use of principle of mutual trust and its application in international and European law. It addresses the question of who should carry the risk of trust. It concludes that the state which puts trust in another state should bear all the risks associated with it. The second area discusses confidence-building measures which are theoretically analyzed and further explored in the context of the current events of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian conflict that started in the year 2014. The purpose of this section is to ascertain how trust is created between states, whether confidence-building measures are effective and what they bring into international law. The aim of this chapter is to ascertain how trust is created between states, whether confidence-building measures are effective and what they bring into international law. The author believes that trust between...

This diploma thesis is an analysis of Bush and Obama administrations' approach towards Sino-American military relations. The topic of this thesis is the military cooperation between the People's Republic China (PRC) and the United States. The paper analyzes the trends and topics of the military-to-military contacts through the Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) theory. The bilateral relationship between the two countries is the most important relationship in the 21st century and its development has worldwide implications. Historically, there have been multiple points of tension where interests of both countries collided, many of which persisted to be sources of the new unease. The American support to Taiwan through numerous arms-sales, increased Chinese militarization of space, cyberspace and the South China Sea are the main causes of reluctant military-to-military cooperation between the PRC and the U.S. It is vital for the rest of the global community that both superpowers keep an acceptable amount of tensions between their armies and ideally pursue more cooperation than competition. The paper concludes that the Sino-American military relations have gone through an on-and-off pattern during both Bush administrations, mainly due to aforementioned American support for Taiwan, and due to the types...

「上海合作組織」是第一個以中國城市為名的永久性政府間組織，以中文及俄文為正式語言，成員國包括中國、俄羅斯及地處中亞的哈薩克、吉爾吉斯、塔吉克、烏茲別克。而「上海合作組織」的前身是建立於1996年的「上海五國」機制，2001年中，烏茲別克加入「上海五國」機制，同年6月15日，六國元首共同發表「上海合作組織成立宣言」，宣佈在「上海五國」機制基礎上成立「上海合作組織」，當時中共藉著這個機制與俄羅斯及中亞四國開始展開邊境地區信任和裁軍的談判，而這也是「上海合作組織」軍事合作的開端。 本論文以「上海合作組織」軍事合作為研究主題，首先主要探討的目的為從「上海五國」到「上海合作組織」，其軍事合作形成的背景有那些主要因素、其演進的歷程及其內容，其次「上海合作組織」軍事合作的主要內容有那些，接著探討「上海合作組織」軍事合作發展至今，不論外部或內部有那些限制因素影響軍事合作，最後逐一分析「上海合作組織」的軍事合作對全球、區域及台海兩岸的安全情勢未來的發展。 研究發現隨著「上海合作組織」的成立，中共在中亞地區的影響力逐漸加大，中共在中亞日益提昇的力量也形成對俄羅斯的另一種挑戰。2007年6月27日「上海合作組織」六個成員國簽署「上海合作組織成員國關於舉行聯合軍事演習的協定」，使聯合軍演朝向定期化、常態化與制度的趨勢發展，而「上海合作組織」軍事合作發展至今，雖然有許多內外的限制因素，但是其範圍及影響層面卻日漸擴大，對全球、亞太地區或台海兩岸的安全情勢都產生重大的影響，不論兩岸和平談判如何發展，我們都要密切注意「上海合作組織」軍事合作對我軍事、外交等層面所造成的威脅。 / The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is the first permanent inter-government organization named by one of the Chinese cities. Its official language is Chinese and Russian, and its members include China, Russian Federation, Republic of Kazakhstan, Republic of Kyrgyzstan, Republic of Tajikistan and Republic of Uzbekistan. "Shanghai Five" mechanism, established in 1996, was the forerunner of SCO. In 2001, Republic of Uzbekistan joined the "Shanghai Five" mechanism, and in the same year of June 15, the leaders of the six countries announced a joint statement－"the founding declaration of SCO", which declared SCO was established on the basis of the "Shanghai Five" mechanism . By using this mechanism, China started the negotiation, which is about a mutual trust of boarding area and disarmament issues with Russia and four center Asia countries, and this mechanism started the military cooperation in SCO. This thesis mainly focuses on the military cooperation of SCO. First, it will be discussed that the purpose of the organization from the "Shanghai Five" to SCO, including what are the primary factors of forming the military cooperation and its courses of evolution and contents. Second, we talk about what are the main contents of the military cooperation, and the SCO’s external or internal limitation which may influence the military cooperation. Finally, we analyze its future development of security situation in global, regional, and the two sides of the Taiwan Strait areas step by step. The research discovered, with the foundation of SCO, that the China’s influence in center Asia is increasing, which will form another challenge to Russia. On June 27, 2007, the six members of SCO signed “an agreement of holding joint military maneuvers among SCO members” to have them held periodically, normally, and systematically. From now, although there are a lot of limitations, the influence of the military cooperation is increasing and it has played a key role in global, Asia Pacific and the two sides of the Taiwan Strait areas. No matter how the peace negotiation between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait areas will go, we must keep a close eye on the fact that the military cooperation could cause Taiwan’s military and diplomacy to be under threat.