Background: Restrictions on induced abortion varies widely across the globe and so does the rate of induced abortion and maternal mortality (MM). Safe abortions – done by trained providers in hygienic settings and early medical abortions carry fewer health risks and reduce maternal mortality rates (MMR). However, nearly 7 million women in developing countries are treated for complications from unsafe abortions annually, and at least 22,000 die from abortion-related complications every year. Aim: The aim was to explore national and regional patterns of abortion laws, the abortions percentages and the maternal mortality rates (MMR), to see if patterns could be distinguished and how they differentiate to each other. Method: With a shape-file containing polygons representing the world’s countries, and the computer program ArcMap, was used to gather and join data. Result: The result showed that many African countries has a restrictive abortion law, and they also have a high MMR. In the Nordic countries they have a liberalized abortion law and they have low MMR. Another finding is that a restricted abortion law does not correspond to a low percentage of abortions. This is clearly demonstrated in South America, where they have a high abortion percentage, and extremely restricted abortion laws. Conclusion: This result revealed patterns showing that countries with restricted abortion laws, does not contribute to a low MMR, and restricted abortion law does not decrease the percentage of abortions.

Despite the fact that one in three women of reproductive age will have an abortion there continues to be stigma surrounding those who have had abortions. Abortion stigma continues to permeate how women are treated and services are provided. The present study explores the ways in which women use the online social networking site Twitter to engage with the #ShoutYourAbortion hashtag to resist dominant pro-life discourses of abortion and challenge abortion stigma. Through the use of a critical discourse analysis that utilizes feminist standpoint theory, four major discourses were identified as emerging out of the #ShoutYourAbortion hashtag. First, the discourse of resisting and challenging pro-life rhetoric emerged in that women utilized the hashtag to challenge dominant discourses on abortions by sharing their own experiences that contradict pro-life narratives. Second, the discourse of emphasizing the importance of choice and autonomy regarding women’s reproductive rights and freedoms was highlighted, and the importance of abortion as a form of healthcare was emphasized. Next, women used discourses that aimed to critique and challenge the abortion industry as a whole. Lastly, women used the hashtag to normalize abortions in an attempt to challenge abortion stigma. This exploratory research provides insights into the utility of engaging with hashtags to resist and challenge dominant discourses, and how women are sharing their experiences in an attempt to change the narratives around abortion. / Thesis / Master of Social Work (MSW)

A period of ten years has elapsed since the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act came into effect. Little has been done in South Africa to investigate public discourses concerning termination of pregnancy since the implementation of the Act. The social context and the quality of available support systems determine the outcome of the women’s feelings after the abortion. Knowledge about the social context is important, as it will help to understand the complexities and nuances of abortion. The aim of the research is to explore public discourses on Choice on Termination of Pregnancy (CTOP), and the potential implications of these discourses on the use of the CTOP service. The sample consisted of 23 black isiXhosa-speaking participants from the rural area of the Eastern Cape Province in South Africa. Four focus groups coming from different age groups (between the ages 18 and 52) with both men and women participated in the study. Fictitious vignettes that tap into two different scenarios regarding abortion based on women’s stories were used. Discourses that emerged from people’s text are explained, described and interpreted through a discourse analysis. Since the study was interested in public discourses it led to the discovery of 17 interpretative repertoires as follows: social stigma, abortion equated to murder, degradation of society, pregnancy as an irresponsible act, conditional acceptance, TOP in the context of marriage, future potentiality invested in the foetus, dehumanizing foetus into a clot, shared decision making responsibility, gender dynamics interpretative repertoire, negative post abortion consequences, the scolding versus the supportive nurse interpretative repertoire, alternatives interpretative repertoire, rights versus no responsibility interpretative repertoire, more knowledge needed, male and female or generational differentiation repertoire, and the positive effects repertoire. Abortion is opposed on religious and cultural grounds. TOP has been legalized in South Africa but with this a debate and conflicting views have arisen. These variations in people’s discourses may limit access to TOP for women who need the service.

Aim: To investigate gynecologists’ and midwives’ views and experiences regarding work in abortion care in Sweden. Methods: Questionnaire to gynecologists (n=269) and midwives (n=258 comprising 48 questions, response 85%. The quantitative studies (articles I-III) were supplemented by a qualitative study (article IV), consisting of focus-group interviews with gynecologists and midwives/nurses. Results: From the questionnaire studies it was apparent that all the gynecologists had worked in abortion care, whilst not all midwives had done so. The male gynecologists were older than both their female colleagues and the midwives; they had most years of experience but were now working least with abortion patients. Both groups considered it absolutely right, that Sweden have legal abortion and that the law was being followed. Most thought that women should be allowed to have an abortion even after they had felt fetal movements. The midwives were generally somewhat more restrictive than the gynecologists. Half of all thought that the work with abortion patients brought something positive with it. Those having worked longest and most extensively, especially during the previous year were most liberal. Both groups felt that there was a difference between working with surgical and late abortions compared with medical abortions. One in four had had misgivings when involved in surgical and medical abortions, and one in two with abortions after the 18th week. All were positive about the transition to medical abortions, and roughly two thirds of the midwives thought that the primary care sector should be able to take care of these, whereas less than half of the gynecologists thought this. The majority considered it important to receive further and continuing professional development and ongoing guidance. From the focus-group interviews it was clear that the experiences of the gynecologists were largely connected with the technical development of abortion methods and those of the midwives/nurses with improved pain relief. The work was sometimes described in paradoxical terms and was occasionally experienced as frustrating, especially in connection with repeat abortions. Neither of the two groups, however, had had any doubts about participating in abortion. The gynecologists described how women now expected to get an abortion, whereas previously they had asked for one. The midwife/nurse group maintained that the meetings with the women had become considerably more frequent. The interaction between the two professional groups was marked by great trust in each other’s professional competence. Conclusions: Gynecologists and midwives working in abortion care support Swedish abortion legislation and have no doubts about participating in abortions, despite the fact that they have frequently experienced complex and difficult work situations. The character of the work is experienced as contradictory and frustrating, but also as challenging and rewarding. The awareness that the two professional groups have of the importance of continuing professional development and ongoing guidance should be acted on. Furthermore, their collective views and experiences should be made use of, so that abortion care can be developed, not only in order to promote women’s health, but also to improve the work environment for the abortion staff.

The primary aim of this investigation is to focus on the delivering of pre-abortion counselling from a social work perspective. The importance of delivery of pre abortion counselling with regard to the pregnant woman, who is considering the termination of a pregnancy, is accentuated on the one hand. On the other hand, the focus is on making social workers aware of becoming involved in abortion-related services. The thesis consists of five Sections: SECTION A This section indicates the actuality of the research, namely a study of pre-abortion counselling according to which four research questions are formulated. The overarching research aim and four research objectives are discussed in the section. This research takes on the intervention research model within the combined qualitative and quantitative research approach. The survey procedure was utilized in two different manners to wit the single-system design and mailed questionnaires. The data which was captured during thorough interviews was processed computer-wise as well as by hand. SECTION B This section was presented in the form of four articles in which the research finding were reported. AU four articles form part of the all-embracing research aims and objectives and of the entire research project. However, every article is a sub-project of the entire research project because it also acts independently - each with a distinctive problem statement, research aim and objectives, research methods and distinctive content. Section B consists of the following articles: Article 1 discusses abortion as a moral dilemma in South Africa and points out that there are still unanswered questions with regard to this acute subject that is as old as mankind. In Article 2 the living space of the pregnant woman who requests the termination of a pregnancy is discussed with the accent on the necessity for the understanding of such a woman who finds herself in a crisis situation, in order to deliver an effective social work service. The importance of pre-abortion counselling with crisis intervention as the proper model is discussed in Article 3. And as indicated that delivering pre-abortion counselling to the pregnant woman who requests the termination of a pregnancy is essential for the decision-making process but also with regard to her future. Article 4 discusses the opinion of social workers concerning the delivery of pre-abortion counselling. 'The social worker as a pre-abortion counsellor, and who forms part of the multi-professional team receives priority attention here. SECTION C In Section C, the conclusions and recommendations with regard to this research is explained. The limitations of this study are indicated, and recommendations are made with a view to its utilisation in theory and in practice as well as for training and research SECTION D AU addendum that are referred to in the thesis are contained in this section. SECTION E Although each article has its own source list, a combined source list of the entire research project is presented in this section. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Social Work))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2005.

The primary aim of this investigation is to focus on the delivering of pre-abortion counselling from a social work perspective. The importance of delivery of pre abortion counselling with regard to the pregnant woman, who is considering the termination of a pregnancy, is accentuated on the one hand. On the other hand, the focus is on making social workers aware of becoming involved in abortion-related services. The thesis consists of five Sections: SECTION A This section indicates the actuality of the research, namely a study of pre-abortion counselling according to which four research questions are formulated. The overarching research aim and four research objectives are discussed in the section. This research takes on the intervention research model within the combined qualitative and quantitative research approach. The survey procedure was utilized in two different manners to wit the single-system design and mailed questionnaires. The data which was captured during thorough interviews was processed computer-wise as well as by hand. SECTION B This section was presented in the form of four articles in which the research finding were reported. AU four articles form part of the all-embracing research aims and objectives and of the entire research project. However, every article is a sub-project of the entire research project because it also acts independently - each with a distinctive problem statement, research aim and objectives, research methods and distinctive content. Section B consists of the following articles: Article 1 discusses abortion as a moral dilemma in South Africa and points out that there are still unanswered questions with regard to this acute subject that is as old as mankind. In Article 2 the living space of the pregnant woman who requests the termination of a pregnancy is discussed with the accent on the necessity for the understanding of such a woman who finds herself in a crisis situation, in order to deliver an effective social work service. The importance of pre-abortion counselling with crisis intervention as the proper model is discussed in Article 3. And as indicated that delivering pre-abortion counselling to the pregnant woman who requests the termination of a pregnancy is essential for the decision-making process but also with regard to her future. Article 4 discusses the opinion of social workers concerning the delivery of pre-abortion counselling. 'The social worker as a pre-abortion counsellor, and who forms part of the multi-professional team receives priority attention here. SECTION C In Section C, the conclusions and recommendations with regard to this research is explained. The limitations of this study are indicated, and recommendations are made with a view to its utilisation in theory and in practice as well as for training and research SECTION D AU addendum that are referred to in the thesis are contained in this section. SECTION E Although each article has its own source list, a combined source list of the entire research project is presented in this section. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Social Work))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2005.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- McMaster University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 197-209). Also available via World Wide Web.

Since the introduction of the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act in 1996, research concerning abortion has primarily focused on public health issues or on the personal experience of women. The cultural and social context within which women experience a termination of pregnancy and in which services are offered has received less attention. The purpose of this study was to analyse public discourses around abortion in a low-income community in the Western Cape. Focus groups were used to gather data from three women’s and three men’s groups. The findings suggest that the agenda of pro-life discourses in this community is not always to defend the life of the fetus. Rather these discourses serve to protect, preserve and maintain the power of the traditional nuclear family, headed by the husband, over women’s reproduction and sexuality. Religious and moral arguments serve to disguise the gender issues at stake. However, instances also occurred where TOP was supported if the husband participated in the decision-making process. Therefore, his presence normalised abortion. Thus, the prevailing public discourses around abortion in this community either support or negate abortion in order to further the agenda of patriarchy.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Moral theories often view the problem of abortion as oppositional: either fiercely "pro-life" or adamantly "pro-choice". A closer view at their respective arguments suggests that extreme polar views are hardly tenable. The principle of the sanctity of life has its limits, and the liberal view on abortion leading to the logical conclusion that even infanticide is permissible is counterintuitive and at loggerheads with common morality. Softer views on both polar positions are more appealing and more acceptable. The soft "pro-life" stance has serious limitations for it appeals to the doctrine of double effect or to a secular but similar position, the doctrine of self-defence, which would allow abortion only in cases of rape or incest. The soft "pro-choice" position appeals to the concept of sentience: only the abortion of a presentient embryo/fetus is permissible. The difficulty, however, is that we know little about the sentience of the unborn and its occurrence during intra-uterine development. Both extreme and softer views are basically oppositional (either/or). The postmodern mind aims at deconstructing oppositions in order to highlight the ideologies underscoring the advocacy of either view. In a poststructural perspective that takes into account the complexity of life, it becomes possible to understand and to accept the view that a "pro-choice" stance is far from being "pro-death". This is the position which is argued for in the present essay. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die probleem van aborsie word dikwels deur morele teorieë beskou as een van oposisies: "pro-lewe" aan die een kant of "pro-keuse" aan die ander. Wanneer die onderskeie argumente van naderby beskou word, word dit duidelik dat hierdie uiters polêre sieninge skaars geregverdig is. Die beginsel van die heiligheid en onskendbaarheid van lewe het sy beperkinge, en die liberale standpunt oor aborsie, wat onvermydelik en op 'n logiese wyse lei na die konklusie dat selfs kindermoord geregverdig kan word, is kontra-intuitief en gaan die algemene moraliteit teen. Standpunte wat 'n minder radikale blik op beide die polêre posisies het is beide meer aantreklik en meer aanvaarbaar. Die sagte "pro-lewe" uitgangspunt het belangrike beperkinge, omdat dit sigself beroep op die doktrine van dubble-effek, of op 'n sekulêre, maar soortgelyke posisie, die doktrine van selfverdediging, wat aborsie sou wou toelaat in die geval van verkragting of bloedskande. Die sagte "pro-keuse" posisie beroep sigself op die konsep van waarnemingsvermoë: slegs die aborsie van die embrio/fetus wat nog nie oor waarnemingsvermoë beskik nie is toelaatbaar. Hierdie standpunt word egter bemoeilik deur die feit dat ons nie oor veel kennis beskik aangaande die waarnemingsvermoë van die ongebore, of van die voorkoms van waarnemingsvermoë gedurende intra-uterinêre ontwikkeling nie. Beide die uiterste en die sagter uitgangspunte is uiteinelik oposisioneel. Postmoderne denke stel hom ten doe Iom oposisies te dekonstrueer, ten einde lig te werp op die idoelogieë wat die aanhang van enige posisie onderskraag. In 'n poststukturele perspektief wat die kompleksiteit van lewe in ag neem, word dit moontlik om die siening dat 'n "prokeuse" uitgangspunt ver verwyderd is daarvan om "pro-die dood" te wees, te aanvaar. Dit is die posisie waarvoor daar in hierdie opstel geargumenteer word.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Perhaps one of the most talked about subjects worldwide and in South Africa these days is the abortion issue. A growing number of women admit to having had one. Basically there are two opposing views and values on the question of abortion. We normally hear people referring to the 'abortion issue'; my understanding of this is that there is a dialogue going on at the moment concerning abortion. In South Africa before the current Choice of Termination of Pregnancy (TOP) Bill, some activists' women and the ever-growing 'feminists' movements were lobbying and demanding that abortion be decriminalised. As we may all be aware, up until 1 February 1997, abortion or termination of pregnancy (TOP) in South Africa was conceivable under very restrictive atmosphere. Before the introduction of the current Termination of Pregnancy Bill, a majority of women had no access to abortion services in the country, hence the growing number of back-street job. By implication this means that most women given the choice, would not seek the experience of abortion, but if they do, it would be available to the in safe, legal, accessible and affordable service. Not only does the Act conceal that terminating pregnancy that occurred through criminal acts such as rape and incest is justifiable. The current liberal Termination of Pregnancy Bill also gives pregnant women the 'right' or 'freedom' to abort whenever and for whatever reason they deem fit. Part of the ethical dilemma of the abortion issue is that there are those who holds a view that always where there is a conflict of rights and interests, the foetus' rights must give way to, or that the foetus' rights must be overridden by those of a pregnant women. Pro-choice advocates maintain that a woman's choice to terminate her pregnancy is her own business and hers alone, in other words, this for them is a private decision. Well, I argue that this is not necessarily the case, ethically, the father of the unborn child should also be considered in such a decision. Given that virtually every abortion has risks, the parents of the aborting woman and to some extent the society at large are involved. Therefore, to solely talk of the 'mother's right to choose' is basically suggest that morality is "relative" and such relativism is conceived from the idea of privatisation of abortion and life in general. In the following pages I will look at the arguments in support of abortion and against it, and these are criticised. Also discussed are the ethical implications of the new South African Termination of Pregnancy Act. Broadly speaking, technology advancement has made it possible to detect the unborn baby's physical condition (sometimes even its mental state) while the mother is still pregnant. The ethical implications of this medical intervention are used to decide whether the unborn child should live or die. Given this, if the purpose of these prenatal diagnosis were for the destruction of the unborn, therefore, advocates of the movements such as 'the right to life', and 'pro-lifers' would argue that because of particularly twisted purpose, prenatal diagnosis must be abolished. Furthermore, I will acknowledge that the Termination of Pregnancy Bill as we have it, is appraised by feminists movements and others who are not necessarily feminists as allowing increased and unrestricted access to 'free' and 'safe' abortion in the government hospitals and clinics. However, I argue that this was rather prematurely introduced. I argue that a number of pregnant women claiming to be poor still present themselves to private doctors and private clinics for abortion and they pay anything between R 600- 800 or more depending where these services are provided. On the other hand, for one reason or another, other women still choose to terminate their pregnancies back street way although the risks are high in such servicing stations. In the light of these facts, one wonders whether it is appropriate to legislate for the termination of pregnancy or would it have been a worthwhile decision to delay the legislation of abortion for a while and thoroughly make a research and relevant preparation for it. I also argue that ideology plays an important part in the abortion debates. Besides, the abortion debate is also characterised by indoctrination, the purpose of which is to leave other confused. In both cases facts are misrepresented or false statements are made, and this for me is ethically unacceptable. I will also comment on the importance of linguistics, that is, the proper understanding of normal English terms and what I refer to as 'deceptive language' used by campaigners. Inthe last part of this thesis, I will outline some basic approaches to ethics and which belong to what is referred to as postmodernism. The Postmodern worldview deconstructs metanarratives so that no one particular belief is more believable than another. This worldview bring with it ethical relativism, which is a theory which holds that morality is relative to the individual. Three movements are given as an example of this move toward ethical relativism, they are: (a) Emotivism, (b) Subjectivism, and (c) Situationalism While I will argue that rape and incest are evil acts, and support abortion in cases involving such acts, however, I also believe that abortion is not the answer to the problem of rape and incest. I will propose a number of recommendations the South African government should have made before legislating for abortion. For instance, by creating separate abortion service facilities even in the hospital premises, with properly trained staff; so that people who came to seek advice for abortion are not intimidated by those who go to full terms with their pregnancy. Included in this thesis is a case study to demonstrate the complexity of the abortion issue to everyone involved. Some psychological and emotional symptoms following abortion will be outlined and this according to women who do share their abortion story is a reality they have to live with every day of their lives. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Aborsie is moontlik een van die mees veelbesproke kwessies van ons tyd, sowel in Suid- Afrika as wêreldwyd. 'n Groeiende aantal vroue erken dat hulle al een gehad het. Basies is daar twee opponerende gesigspunte en waardes betrokke by die twispunt rondom aborsie. Aborsie was voor die aanvaarding van die jongste wetgewing (d.w.s. voor 1 Februarie 1997) in Suid-Afrika slegs moontlik onder streng beperkings. Voor die huidige wet ( die "Termination of Pregnancy Bill") in werking gekom het, het die meerderheid vroue geen toegang tot aborsie gehad in Suid-Afrika nie, wat gelei het tot 'n toename in agterstraat aborsies. Die nuwe wet gee nie slegs die reg om te aborteer aan vroue wat swanger is as gevolg van kriminele optrede soos verkragting of bloedskande nie. Die huidige, buitengewooon liberale wet gee ook vir alle praktiese doeleindes aan die vroue die reg om aborsie op versoek te ondergaan tot op 20 weke van swangerskap. Die doel van hierdie werkstuk is om hierdie nuwe liberale wet aan 'n krities ondersoek te onderwerp. Deel van die etiese dilemma rondom die kwessie van aborsie spruit voort uit die feit dat daar diegene is wat reken dat, indien daar enige konflik tussen regte en belange is, die regte van die fetus ondergeskik is aan die regte van die swanger vrou. Diegene ten gunste van aborsie voer aan dat die keuse gemaak moet word deur die betrokke vrou, en dat so 'n keuse uitsluitlik haar eie is. Ek argumenteer dat dit nie noodwendig die geval is nie. Die vader van die ongebore kind behoort ook 'n sê te hê in hierdie saak. Gegee dat elke aborsie sekere risiko's insluit, het die ouers van die betrokke vrou en die samelewing ook 'n belang by so ,'n situasie. Dus is om slegs te praat van die 'vrou se reg om te Ides' om te suggereer dat moraliteit "relatief' is, en sulke relativisme word afgelei van die idee van die privatisering van aborsie en die lewe in die algemeen. In die volgende bladsye sal ek die argumente vir en teen aborsie analiseer en kritiseer. Die etiese implikasies van die nuwe Termination of Pregnancy Act word veral bespreek. Tegnologiese vooruitgang het dit moontlik gemaak dat die ongebore baba se fisiese (en soms selfs mentale) kondisie bepaal kan word voor geboorte. Die etiese implikasies van die mediese intervensie word gebruik om te besluit of die ongebore baba moet lewe of sterf Dus, indien die doel van prenatale diagnose die moontlike vernietiging van die ongeborene insluit, sal diegene wat teen aborsie is, argumenteer dat so 'n verwronge doel veroorsaak dat sulke ondersoeke gestaak behoort te word. Ek sal erken dat die nuwe wet waardeer word deur feministe, en andere wat nie noodwendig feministe is nie, as 'n wet wat dit moontlik maak dat daar toenemende en onbeperkte toegang is tot 'gratis' en 'veilige' aborsies in regeringshospitale en klinieke. Maar ek wil argumenteer dat die wet te vroeg aangeneem is. Ek argumenteer dat 'n groot aantal verwagtende vroue voorgee dat hulle arm is en poog om 'n aborsie te kry by private dokters en klinieke, en dan tussen R600 - R800 of meer betaal vir so 'n diens, afhangende van waar dit geskied. Aan die ander kant, om een of ander rede, kies sommige vroue steeds om hulle swangerskappe te termineer deur agterstraat-aborsies, ten spyte van die risiko's. Gegewe hierdie feit, wonder mens of dit gepas was on 'n wet in te stel aangaande die terminasie van swangerskap, en of dit nie beter sou wees om die wetgewing uit te stel tot volledige navorsing gedoen is en voorbereiding getref is nie. Ek argumenteer ook dat ideologie 'n belangrike rol speel in die aborsie-debat. Die aborsie-debat word ook gekenmerk deur indoktrinasie ten einde mense te verwar. In beide gevalle is daar die wanvoorstelling van feite of word valse stellings gemaak, wat eties onaanvaarbaar is. Ek salook kommentaar lewer oor die belangrikheid van taal, dws die korrekte verstaan van normale (Engelse) terme en wat ek na verwys as die 'misleidende taal' wat gebruik word deur sekere kampvegters betrokke by die debat. In die laaste deel van die werkstuk sal ek sekere basiese benaderings tot etiek ondersoek, veral dié wat na verwys word as "postmodernisme". Die Postmoderne gesigspunt dekonstrueer metanarratiewe sodat geen spesifieke oordeel langer meer geloofwaardig is as 'n ander nie. Hierdie gesigspunt word dan ook vergesel deur etiese relativisme, wat huldig dat moraliteit relatief is tot die individu. Drie bewegings word genoem as voorbeelde van hierdie beweging na etiese relativisme, nl: (a) Emotivisme, (b) Subjektivisme, en (c) Situasie-etiek Alhoewel ek argumenteer dat verkragting en bloedskande morele verkeerd is, en alhoewel ek aborsie in sulke gevalle voorstaan, glo ek nie dat aborsie 'n antwoord bied op die probleem van verkragting en bloedskande nie. Ek sal 'n aantal voorstelle maak aangaande wat eintlik moes gebeur het voor die regering die huidige aborsiewet aanvaar het. Byvoorbeeld, dat aparte aborsie-fasiliteite, selfs by die hospitaal en met opgeleide personeel, geskep moes word ten einde te voorkom dat diegene wat advies vra aangaande aborsie nie geïntimideer word deur persone wat nie wil aborteer nie. Ingesluit in hierdie studie is 'n gevallestudie wat die kompleksiteit van die kwessie rondom aborsie, vir al die rolspelers, demonstreer. Sekere emosionele en sielkundige simptome, veroorsaak deurdat 'n persoon besluit het om te aborteer, sal geskets word. Vir vroue wat 'n aborsie ondergaan het is hierdie 'n realiteit waarmee hulle elke dag moet saamleef