Le web et les images qui y foisonnent font désormais partie de notre quotidien et ils façonnent notre manière de penser le monde. Certaines œuvres d’art permettent, semble-t-il, de réfléchir à la fois sur l’image, les technologies web, les relations qu’elles entretiennent et les enjeux sociopolitiques qui les sous-tendent. C’est dans cette perspective que ce mémoire s’intéresse aux travaux de la série des Googlegrams (2004-2006) de Joan Fontcuberta, particulièrement à deux œuvres qui reprennent les photographies de torture de la prison d’Abu Ghraib devenues iconiques. Ce sont des photomosaïques utilisant ces images comme matrices dans lesquelles viennent s’insérer des milliers de petites images qui ont été trouvées dans le web grâce au moteur de recherche d’images de Google, selon certains mots-clés choisis par l’artiste de façon à faire écho à ces photographies-matrices. Ces œuvres sont ici considérées en tant qu’outils d’études actifs nous permettant de déployer les assemblages d’images et de technologies qu’elles font interagir. Il s’agit de suivre les acteurs et les réseaux qui se superposent et s’entremêlent dans les Googlegrams : d’abord les photographies d’Abu Ghraib et leur iconisation ; ensuite le moteur de recherche et sa relation aux images ; finalement les effets de la photomosaïque. Cette étude s’effectue donc à partir des interactions entre ces différents éléments qui constituent les œuvres afin de réfléchir sur leurs rôles dans le façonnement de la représentation de l’information. / The Web and its proliferating images have become part of our daily lives, thereby shaping the way we think about the world. It seems that some artworks allow us to ponder on the role of the image, Web technologies and their intricate relationship, as well as underlying socio-political issues. In this regard, this thesis examines the works of Joan Fontcuberta’s Googlegrams series (2004-2006), more specifically two artworks that are reworking iconic torture photographs of the Abu Ghraib prison. Thousands of smaller images are inserted into the photographs to refashion them into photomosaics. The images are found on the Web using Google Images search function with key words chosen by the artist in order to echo the source photographs. Considered here as tools of active study, these artworks allow us to unfold the assemblage of images and technologies that they are making interact. The aim is to follow the actors and the networks that are superimposed and interwoven within the Googlegrams: the Abu Ghraib photographs and their iconization; the search engine and its relationship with images; as well as the effects of the photomosaic. This study is driven by the interactions between these various elements that form the artworks as a means of reflecting upon their shaping roles in the representation of information.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The emergence of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in the early 1990s represented the radicalization of the Filipino Muslim separatist movement. Despite the initial success of the joint Philippine and U.S. Balikatan exercise against the Abu Sayyaf on 2002, the ASG has continued to carry out attacks on lightly guarded or "soft" targets, the same way international terrorist groups have been known to do. The anarchic region of Central Mindanao has become a training base for the Southeast Asian terror organizations and a refuge for Abu Sayyaf. The war on terrorism has changed the lives of the Filipinos and strained the capacities of the government. Over the years, the Philippines has fought terrorism in many ways. It has retaliated militarily, prosecuted terrorists, preempted terrorist attacks, implemented defensive measures, and addressed some of the causes of terrorism. To some degree, all suffer from limited effectiveness and applicability. This thesis analyzes the Philippine response to terrorism and determines how it should develop an effective strategy to counter terrorism. This study also discusses the government organizational structure and the problems faced by the Philippine government agencies in addressing the terrorism specifically posed by the Abu Sayyaf. In addition, this thesis presents a case study of Abu Sayyaf by analyzing its organizational and operational tools in the maintenance of its terrorist capability. Finally, this thesis examines the government bureaucracy and its capability to respond to the threats posed by terrorism. / Colonel, Philippine Air Force

Dans cette recherche, nous avons opté pour une méthode à la fois descriptive, analytique et documentaire, fondée sur la collecte de données : enquêtes, entretiens et ressources de bibliothèque.Les résultats montrent qu’un pays nouvellement créé a besoin, pour se développer, de s’appuyer sur un sentiment d'intégration et d'identité nationale. Il semble que ce soit la raison fondamentale de la revendication par les Emirats arabes unis de ces îles appartenant à l’Iran, seul pays non arabe du golfe Persique. A travers ces revendications, les Emirats arabes unis ont pour objectif la création d’un Etat-nation. / In this research, we opted for a method that is descriptive, analytical and documentary, based on the collection of data in the forms of surveys, interviews and library resources. The results show that a newly created country, for its development, needs to build on a sense of integration and national identity. It seems that this is the fundamental reason for the claim by the United Arab Emirates on these islands belonging to Iran, the only non-Arab country of the Persian Gulf. Through these claims, the United Arab Emirates aim to creat a nation -state.

The cruelty of Military Police guards at Abu Ghraib prison contributed to American shame and questions regarding how such cruelty emerges. The accepted approach of "situational attribution theory" - based upon Zimbardo's (1973, 2007) social psychological perceptions and results of the Stanford Prison Experiment - proposed that personality or "disposition" has little role in the emergence of such cruelty. Termed "institutional cruelty," this manuscript presents the possibility that understandings and preventive measures afforded by situational attribution theory can be extended via acknowledgement of a greater role played by disposition. Psychoanalytic and object relations approaches are presented to this end. The manuscript addresses the most puzzling characteristics of institutional cruelty: 1) rapidity of onset, taking days or, at most, weeks for initial expression, 2) emergence in ordinary, normal individuals, and 3) emergence in the "mock" situation of the Stanford Prison Experiment. Criminological, organizational culture, and social psychological theories are explored for their application to institutional cruelty. / by Paul Hofacker. / Thesis (M.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2010. / Includes bibliography and footnotes. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2010. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Texte remanié de: Magisterarbeit. / Bibliogr. p. 149-156. Notes bibliogr. Index.

The goal of this thesis is to identify the main political and economic implications of Dubai’s debt crisis and subsequent bailout by her wealthier and more powerful sister emirate Abu Dhabi. This paper examines the implications of the bailout of Dubai on two levels: Dubai’s relationship with Abu Dhabi and Dubai’s relationship with the international investment community. The paper first provides a brief background on Dubai, one of the seven emirates that make up the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and discusses Dubai’s key characteristics that helped give Dubai her nickname Dubai Inc. – an opportune location, the Al-Maktoum ruling family, and state-led entrepreneurship. It then discusses Dubai’s historically competitive relationship with Abu Dhabi and Dubai’s push to diversify economically away from oil. The paper outlines two key economic developments – the rise of Dubai’s real estate and tourism sectors and the creation of Dubai’s government-related enterprises (GREs), which helped finance the real estate bubble. This thesis suggests that Abu Dhabi now holds unquestionable power over Dubai and can control Dubai’s GREs and their subsidiaries such as Dubai World. This paper also argues that the international investment community will demand increased transparency and higher standards of corporate governance of Dubai’s businesses in light of the entrenched poor practices that the bailout exposed within the tiny-city state's GREs and companies. / text

Harold Wilson, the British Prime Minister, announced in January 1968 that the British government would withdraw from the Persian Gulf by the end of 1971. For Britain, the decision indicated a re-prioritization of British global defense obligations. For the rulers of the Arab emirates of the Persian Gulf, Wilson‘s announcement signaled an end of British military protection, and the beginning of a process of negotiations that culminated in the establishment of the United Arab Emirates on December 3, 1971. An examination of the process by which the individual Persian Gulf states became a sovereign federation presents an opportunity to examine the roles of nationalism and anti-imperialism played in the establishment of the Union. This work demonstrates that Arab rulers in the Persian Gulf strove to establish their new state with close ties to Great Britain, which provided technical, military, and administrative assistance to the emirates, while also publicly embracing the popular ideologies of anti-imperialism and Arab socialism, which dominated the political discourse in the Arab world through most of the twentieth century. viii This dissertation draws on primary source materials from British and American government archives, speeches and government publications from the Arab Emirates, memoirs and a wide variety of secondary sources. These materials provide the basis for understanding the state-building process of the United Arab Emirates in the areas of pre-withdrawal development, the decision to withdraw, the problems of establishing a federal constitution, and the problems posed by the need for security in the post-withdrawal Persian Gulf. / text

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to identify the stressors that affecting the critical care nurses in Abu Dhabi hospitals in order for the managers to take action to decrease or control these stressors where possible, or to take other appropriate action. Design: A cross sectional survey design was adopted in this study, as the phenomena of stress in CCNs was surveyed at one point of time . Sample: A convenient sample of 50 CCNs was included in the study. The participants were working as a CCNs in Abu Dhabi hospitals for a minimum one-year. Instruments: Two questionnaires were utilized to collect the data for this study; The Critical Care Stressors Scale and The Hamilton Anxiety Scale. Results: Results showed that The CCNs did not show a high level of anxiety according to the adopted scale. The most frequent stressors perceived by the CCNs were the stressors related to the critical care unit environment and the nursing responsibilities. On the other hand, the most severe stressors perceived by the CCNs were also under the categories of the critical care unit environment and Nurse-Health care workers conflicts. Conclusion: The hospital/nursing administrations were asked to revise the policies of visiting , dealing with infectious hazards, and portable X-rays . Also, the results showed that hiring more rton-nurses staff to deal with non-nursing jobs, and more male staff to carry out the heavy jobs such as changing position will aid in decreasing the stress perceived by the CCNs. / Thesis (M.Cur.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2004. / Thesis Advisor(s): Kalev I. Sepp. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-96). Also available online.

This thesis examines the reinvention of jihād ideology in twelfth‑century al‑Shām. In modern scholarship there is a tendency to speak of a revival of jihād in the twelfth century, but discussion of this revival has been dominated by study of the practice of jihād rather than of the ideology of jihād. This thesis addresses this imbalance by studying two twelfth‑century Damascene works: the Kitāb al‑jihād (Book of Jihād) of ʿAlī b. Ṭāhir al‑Sulamī (d. 500/1106), and the al‑Arbaʿūn ḥadīthan fī al‑ḥathth ʿala al‑jihād (Forty Hadiths for Inciting Jihād) of Abū al‑Qāsim Ibn ʿAsākir (d. 571/1176). Through discussion of these texts, this thesis sheds light on twelfth‑century perceptions of jihād by asking what their authors meant when they referred to jihād, and how their perceptions of jihād related to the broader Islamic discourse on jihād. A holistic approach is taken to these works; they are discussed not only in the context of the 'master narrative' of jihād, wherein juristic sources have been privileged over other non‑legal genres and corpora, but also in the context of the Sufi discourse of jihād al‑nafs, and the earliest traditions on jihād which thrived from the eighth century onwards on the Muslim‑Byzantine frontier. This thesis argues that both al‑Sulamī and Ibn ʿAsākir integrated elements from these different traditions of jihād in order to create models of jihād suited to their own political contexts, and that it is only in the context of a more nuanced appreciation of jihād ideology that their attempts can be properly understood. At the same time, this thesis argues against the model of the 'counter‑crusade', which holds that the revival of jihād began in earnest only in the middle of the twelfth century, by stressing that there was no delay between the arrival of the Franks and attempts to modify jihād ideology.