Social media have long been sites for political discussion and ideological conversations. Connecting geographically-dispersed individuals around ideologically-salient conversations, Instagram users who hold feminist ideals talk in a discursive environment formed by their discussions, a space I call “feminist Instagram.” As a community connected by affective gestures, intensities, and textures (Papacharissi, 2015), this work seeks to understand the affective nature of the “prevailing practices,” and “avenues for engagement, agency, and power,” (Papacharissi, 2015, p. 126) that circulates in feminist digital spaces, both for what they reveal about the nature of negotiating the boundaries of authentic feminist identities, and about the ways digital feminists experience these negotiations. Approaching feminist Instagram as an affective public, this dissertation examines “how affective processes are enabled in the online environment by examining the form and texture of communication” (Papacharissi, 2015, p. 27) through an ethnography of feminist digital spaces. This dissertation’s findings carry implications for the online ideological organizing futures, and forward a mindful orientation to social media use, especially in ideologically-salient learning environments like feminist Instagram. / Media & Communication

No / We propose a fuller synthesis between two relatively disjointed literatures to create synergy. Union commitment research has a long tradition and a relatively rigorous orientation grounded in industrial psychology. Recently, it has been eclipsed by emerging research on union renewal, and specifically that on union organizing. Renewal research has largely ignored union commitment research even though union renewal literature stresses the importance of activism, and this concept is strongly linked to commitment. A critical synthesis of these literatures yields progress in terms of addressing key qualitative and quantitative aspects of the contemporary crisis of labour unionism. A tentative framework is constructed that stipulates the main components and variables, and offers guidance for future research.

Today, feminist theory, instead of accompanying a movement or being generated by a movement, is out there on its own. There is no large-scale social movement to complement it and to act on it. The energy and excitement of collective action is what many feminists miss and what is implied through critiques of contemporary feminist theory. The lament is for unity, for what was conceived of as “sisterhood” and what emerges as a myth. Many feminists share a nostalgia for a time that was filled with the potential for and intensity of social revolution. When we look at the theory of early second wave feminism and the theory of more recent years, the differences are negligible. What is different, and glaringly so, is the social climate. Theory is not to blame; we are. Theory is not the culprit. Theory is just as impacting and politically useful as it ever was, but it is missing its partner. This realization should be no cause for alarm, however, because there still exist many opportunities for activism, albeit different sorts of activism, based on different sorts of political issues that complement our present needs and abilities. / Master of Arts

Internet has become the most efficient method in information dissemination, collaboration and interaction connecting diversity of people, places, ideas and cultures all around the world. With new communication and information technology, Internet has become a pragmatic way for NGOs to share their interests worldwide. Although NGOs have been utilizing the internet, the power of internet-activism is underestimated. Thus, this paper studies Internet-activism as the new method for NGOs to work in terms of territorial disputes. It specifically studies South Korea and Japan’s territorial disputes over Dokdo and Sea of Japan/East Sea that have been causing heated contention over a long time. It studies NGO’s different methods in raising awareness of this issue through a Korean cyber organization called VANK, Voluntary Agency Network of Korea. The purpose of this study is to prove that Internet-activism is an efficient and powerful method for NGOs.

This thesis is a history of social and political activism in Charlottesville during the 1960s focusing on new left student organizing at the University of Virginia. It is a work of social history that establishes a community that has been generally ignored in traditional histories of the new left as one of the most influential centers of new left activism in the South and asserts that this prominence was due to years of activism by local liberals, civil rights advocates, and students during the city's unique experiences on the front lines of the southern desegregation, civil rights, and anti-war struggles. It traces the evolution of social activism in the city and the university from the late 1950s through the early 1970s and demonstrates how local activists and issues interacted with regional, national, and global events during one of the most socially tumultuous decades in American history.

The goal of this thesis is to introduce the concept of Critical Activism (CA). Activism is expected to be beneficial and efficient. Therefore, there is a need of guiding conditions. To this end, I analyse a critical Pride movement, which arises as a reaction to the existing Pride movement, in such context. It is concluded that a CA must be political, radical, comprehensive, quotidian and inclusive. These five conditions help an activism to be beneficial and efficient.

The purpose of this study is to explore tensions and themes that have influenced my activist identity. Drawing on theories of reflective practice, self study and autoethnography I use a narrative inquiry approach to trace significant experiences in my life, from student to high school teacher, to teacher educator. Themes that arise include a shift from a political to a “student voice”-focused approach to educational activism, the ongoing influence of my privileged identities, the importance of mentorship, the recognition that social change is possible, and the awareness and embracing of my “unfinishedness”. This study attempts to add to literature on educational or teacher activism and speak to the value of narrative inquiry approaches in teacher education and professional development programs.

The purpose of this study is to explore tensions and themes that have influenced my activist identity. Drawing on theories of reflective practice, self study and autoethnography I use a narrative inquiry approach to trace significant experiences in my life, from student to high school teacher, to teacher educator. Themes that arise include a shift from a political to a “student voice”-focused approach to educational activism, the ongoing influence of my privileged identities, the importance of mentorship, the recognition that social change is possible, and the awareness and embracing of my “unfinishedness”. This study attempts to add to literature on educational or teacher activism and speak to the value of narrative inquiry approaches in teacher education and professional development programs.

This thesis investigates if Distributed Denial-of-Service attacks constitute a valid form ofcivil disobedience online. For this purpose a multi-dimensional framework is established,drawing on Brownlee’s paradigm case and classical theory of civil disobedience. Threedifferent examples of DDoS attacks are then examined using this framework - the attacksfrom the Electronic Disturbance Theater in support of the Zapatista movement;Anonymous’ Operation Payback; Electrohippies’ attack against the World TradeOrganization. Following the framework, none of these DDoS attacks are able to constitute acivilly disobedient act online. The thesis then goes on and identifies four key issues, drawingon the results from the examples: The loss of 'individual presence', no inimitable feature ofDDoS attacks, impeding free speech and the danger of western imperialism. It concludes thatDDoS attacks cannot and should not be seen as a form of civil disobedience online. Thethesis further proposes that online actions, in order to be seen as civilly disobedient actsonline, need two additional features: An 'individual presence' of the protesters online tocompensate for the remoteness of cyberspace and an inimitable feature in order to berecognizable by society. Further research should investigate with this extended framework ifthere are valid forms of civil disobedience online.

Contemporary activists in the United States find it increasingly difficult to negotiate socio-political constraints to build a social movement. Those looking for relatively safe and effective venues for participation in and communication of dissent face oppression by the hegemonic power of the political right and, in the case of climate activism, anti-climate-science discourse. I use the case study of the climate action movement to explore how contemporary activists use new communication media technologies (hereafter new media) to establish and strengthen a movement. Even though climate change affects the daily lives of ordinary Americans, no U.S. policy exists to mitigate carbon emissions. New media offer the potential for new, safer venues for participation in and communication about social movements. I used empirical qualitative and critical methods to analyze the communication of climate change activism in Texas, USA. I examined how Step It Up! 2007 (SIU) used new media to facilitate or constrain public participation in climate action. I used critical discourse analysis to examine information provided to citizens on the SIU website, and I attended the SIU event in San Antonio, Texas. I found SIU organizers successfully used new media to increase agitation and to shift power away from the federal government to the local grassroots level. I recommend activists use new media as a unifying tool, to provide a fragmented and apathetic citizenry with a message that can be used to affect change. I conducted a critical rhetorical analysis of Working Film’s 2007 documentary on global warming, Everything’s Cool, as a means to suggest how, and in what ways, activists use new media to build a movement. I also hosted an activist screening. I examined how new media facilitate or constrain communication of movement messages. I found activists used the documentary and open source activism as a rhetorical exercise in agitation to refigure public understanding of climate science and attitudes toward U.S. climate change policy. Everything’s Cool positioned climate activism, and participating in the movement broadly, as accessible and acceptable, helping to rhetorically constitute a new kind of citizen activist, shifting power roles to a grassroots network of local leaders.