I Jönköpings kommun har stora utvecklings- och ombyggnadsarbeten pågått under ett an-tal år. En av de största förändringarna är en bro som byggdes över Munksjön och stod fär-dig under år 2006. Bron kan ses som en katalysator för flera andra projekt som har löpt pa-rallellt med broprojektet. Uppsatsen fokuserar på processen som förlöpt från det att brons planeringsstadium inleddes 1990 till dess att det slutgiltiga byggnadsbeslutet togs 2004. Bron var kontroversiell i bland annat miljöhänseende, men även ekonomiskt och i trafik-hänseende ansågs den vara en tveksam lösning på centrums problem. Första steget i upp-satsarbetet var att samla in information, främst från olika kommunfullmäktigedokument samt underlag som använts när beslut fattats i kommunfullmäktige. För att identifiera in-tressanta problem granskades dessa med hjälp av källkritiskt metod och delades kronolo-giskt in i sex faser, där varje fas representerade ett delbeslut i broprocessen. För det fortsatta arbetet behövdes en analysmodell, som inkluderade multipla aktörer, och som kunde användas för en analys av den process som löpt under cirka 15 års tid. Detta ledde först till klassiska implementeringsmodeller, främst Top-down och Bottom-up-modellerna och därefter vidare till Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) som utgör en vi-dareutveckling av de båda implementeringsmodellerna. Fördelarna med ACF var många. Den hanterar multipla aktörer, tidspannet lämpar sig väl, och den innehåller ett antal krite-rier vilka ger underlag för intressanta diskussioner. Med analysramen och dokumentstudien som bas kunde problemområde, hypotes, samt beroende och oberoende variabler faststäl-las. Valet av analysram föll således på ACF, vilken har använts mycket i USA bland annat för analys av miljöproblem. Ett av de största problemen med analysramen har då varit att mo-tivera varför olika koalitioner uppstått. Detta problem kringgås här genom att peka på de svenska partiernas större homogenitet än deras motsvarigheter i USA, detta beroende på att det där i princip endast finns två partier. För att motivera valet av ACF som analysram testades de nio kriterier som denna innefat-tar, och genom att dessa uppfylldes kunde analysramens relevans för forskningsområdet valideras. Med hjälp av analysramen och dess kriterier, samt den källkritiska analysen, upp-ställdes hypotesen: De mest miljömedvetna koalitionerna har fått göra flest eftergifter under broproces-sens gång. Innan analysen fortskred redovisas ytterligare två metoder: kvantitativ innehållsanalys och statistisk Chi-två metod. Den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen användes för att utifrån de svenska politiska partiernas höga grad av homogenitet motivera varför olika koalitioner uppstått. Chi-två metoden användes i resultatredovisningen för att ge statistiskt stöd för hypotesen. Analysen började med att identifiera de tre koalitioner, som bildats under processen, nämli-gen: Pro-bro, Avvaktande och Anti-bro. De olika aktörerna indelades därefter i den koali-tion de tillhört under varje fas. Vidare fastställdes de tillfällen då en koalition fått göra en eftergift under processen. Totalt har den mest miljömedvetna koalitionen gjort sex eftergif-ter medan den mindre miljömedvetna inte behövt göra någon eftergift. Med hjälp av den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen har det varit möjligt att visa hur det bilda-des två koalitioner varav en mer och en mindre miljömedveten. Den mest miljömedvetna koalitionen bestod av: Miljöpartiet, Centerpartiet och Vänsterpartiet medan den mindre miljömedvetna bestod av Folkpartiet, Socialdemokraterna, Kristdemokraterna och Moderaterna. Ur koalitionsbildningarna och fördelningen av eftergifter kunde det utläsas att den mest miljömedvetna koalitionen fått göra flest eftergifter, sex mot noll. För att ge statistiskt stöd åt resultatet genomfördes även en Chi-två beräkning, vars utfall var statistiskt signifikant och gav stöd åt hypotesen. I den slutliga diskussionen ställs frågan varför kommunen inte följt Agenda 21 och de stat-ligt uppsatta miljömålen. Slutsatsen dras att det är vanligt med konflikter mellan kommuna-la miljö- och tillväxtmål. I detta fall har det blivit en tveksam kompromiss, som varken löst trafikfrågan i Jönköpings centrala delar eller kommit tillrätta med de existerande miljöpro-blemen. Uppsatsen avslutas med funderingar om hur ACF kan användas i framtida forskningspro-jekt på liknande områden. I en undersökning med mindre homogena aktörer behöver ana-lysramen kompletteras med bättre metoder för att beskriva hur koalitioner bildas utifrån gemensamma basala värderingar.

The topic of this diploma thesis is the development of the policy of inclusive education in the Czech Republic from the 1990s to 2018. Its objective is to describe this development and at least partially clarify the reasons for the controversy created by this policy and the increase in the public interest about this topic after the amendment of the education law in 2015. Using the process tracing method, it is testing if these reasons can be described by the theory of the advocacy coalition framework. The work finds out that considering the set hypotheses the explanation using this theory cannot be disproved. During this testing, main actors are identified and divided into advocacy coalitions. Therefore, an overview of the theory of advocacy coalition framework is included in this work, set in the context of the inclusive education policy, together with a quantitative media analysis looking at the number of relevant articles in the three most-read newspapers, a description of the interviews with the involved actors and an extensive qualitative analysis of available resources. In the last part of this work, there is an attempt to suggest measures that could at least partially calm down the discussion about the current inclusive education policy. The attachment to this work includes the scenario...

In an analysis of the development of the Czech foreign aid policy, I use the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) to examine what policy change towards aid effectiveness has occurred from the mid-1990's to the present. Using this explanatory framework, I suggest that the changes towards aid effectiveness, which have occurred during this period, are minor rather than major ones. I argue that during this time the Czech foreign aid policy has been dominated by a belief system of the majority coalition that represents a realistic approach to foreign aid policy based on self-interested interests such as mutual interests, commercial motives or political and strategic interests. By the application of the ACF, I attempt to explain the policy process and the reasons why a major policy change has not occurred. In this analysis, I argue that in spite of the processes external to the policy subsystem (e.g. the occurrence of aid effectiveness movement), the minority coalition, whose belief system is mainly represented by altruistic motives and the support for increasing aid effectiveness, has not had enough policy-relevant resources to press for a major policy change. I argue that the conflict between the coalitions is driven by normative beliefs and that it is more likely that there will be incremental policy...

Diploma thesis "Marihuana: drug or medicine?" deals with recent change of a medicine law and with process enabling treatment by marihuana. It identifies stakeholders and advocacy coalitions involved in the law and public policy enforcement and explains what is the motivation for these coalitions and on which values is the motivation based. Using event analysis this thesis shows timeline of events moving towards the change of the law and reveals the stakeholders who are significant for the change. Their public speeches are analyzed and stakeholders are divided into advocacy coalitions on the basis of the analysis. The conclusion of the qualitative content analysis is verified by half structured interviews with stakeholders representing the coalitions. Three coalitions were identified in cannabis subsystem. First of them is liberal and tries to get the legalization trough, the second one tries to enable a treatment by marihuana for patients and the third coalition is skeptic to cannabis treatment. The thesis explains a participation of these coalitions on the change and their relations to each other.

[pt] O homeschooling (HS) é um movimento de origem norte-americana que desde os anos 1960 luta pelo direito dos pais de retirarem seus filhos de instituições escolares para ensiná-los em casa. Em seu início, mantinha relações com ideais anarquistas, mas logo foi cooptado pelas correntes do neoconservadorismo e do neoliberalismo. Desde então, as motivações para sua adoção passam pelo descontentamento com o sistema escolar e pelo desejo de ter amplo controle do processo educativo de seus filhos. A prática chega ao Brasil por meio de missionários protestantes no final do século passado, passa por um longo período de inércia e alcança o debate público com a ascensão da nova direita, que é banhada nas mesmas águas ideológicas do homeschooling. Partindo do pressuposto de que existe um grupo de atores que agem de forma coordenada e guiados por crenças compartilhadas, entendemos que no Brasil existe uma coalizão, nos termos do Modelo de Coalizões de Defesa, pró-HS. Diante disso, buscamos investigar semelhanças e diferenças entre as crenças, as formas de atuação e os argumentos utilizados pela coalizão que advoga em defesa da legalização e implementação do homeschooling. Em relação à metodologia, realizamos uma pesquisa qualitativa de cunho documental. Selecionamos materiais produzidos pela coalizão ou que tinham potencial de apresentarem dados importantes, como Projetos de Lei, notas taquigráficas de audiências públicas e posts de redes sociais. Para o processo analítico, foi lançado mão da Análise de Conteúdo, dos preceitos do neoconservadorismo e do neoliberalismo e das categorias de análise do Modelo de Coalizões de Defesa trabalhadas. Os resultados indicam que as crenças da coalizão se sustentam em três pilares: nas noções de liberdade, de família e de responsabilização. Elas apresentam forte e íntima relação com as marcas neoconservadoras e neoliberais, o que coloca o homeschooling dentro do campo das políticas educacionais guiadas por valores mercadológicos e moralizantes. Nesse sentido, identificamos que o HS leva à exaltação de uma liberdade individual e irrestrita, à promoção da família tradicional, à objetificação das crianças e adolescentes, à transferência de responsabilidade de um direito social e a valorização de princípios meritocráticos. Além disso, a coalizão usa de diferentes estratégias para materializar suas crenças e alcançar seus objetivos, concentrando-se especialmente nos da esfera política, com a apresentação de Projetos de Lei, e na esfera social, buscando aprovação pública da pauta. Ainda, analisamos os argumentos adotados. Eles atuam como forma de convencer a opinião pública sobre os supostos benefícios da prática e contra argumentam as críticas levantadas pela coalizão contrária. Por fim, entendemos que o homeschooling tem potencial para colocar em risco o direito à educação e a ideia de construção coletiva visando a convivência em sociedade democrática. / [en] Homeschooling (HS) is a movement created in the USA that since the 1960s has been fighting for the right of parents to withdraw their children from regular schools to teach them at home. At first, it maintained relations with anarchist ideals, but was soon co-opted by neoconservative and neoliberal groups. Since then, the motivations for its adoption have been the dissatisfaction with the school system and the desire to have full control over the educational process of their children. The practice came to Brazil through protestant missionaries at the end of the last century, and, after a long period of inertia, reached public debate with the rise of the new right political group. Assuming that there is a group of actors who act in a coordinated way and guided by shared beliefs, we understand that, in Brazil there is a pro-HS coalition, as defined by the Defense Coalition Model. Therefore, we seek to investigate possible similarities and differences between the beliefs, the ways of acting and the arguments used by the coalition that advocates in defense of the legalization and implementation of homeschooling. Regarding the methodology, we carried out a qualitative documentary research. In this way, we selected materials produced by the coalition or that had the potential to present important data about it, such as bills, shorthand notes from public hearings and social media posts. We analyzed the data using content analysis, and the concepts of neoconservatism, neoliberalism and the categories of analysis of the Defense Coalitions Model. The results indicate that the coalition s beliefs are based on three pillars: the notions of freedom, family, and accountability. They have a strong and intimate relationship with neoconservative and neoliberal thought, which places homeschooling within the field of educational policies guided by marketing and moralizing values. Thus, we identified that HS leads to the exaltation of individual and unrestricted freedom, the promotion of the traditional family, the objectification of children and adolescents, the transfer of responsibility for a social right and the appreciation of meritocratic principles. Additionally, the coalition uses different strategies to materialize its beliefs and achieve its objectives, especially in the political and social spheres. Still, we analyze the arguments adopted. The coalition s arguments try to convince public opinion about the alleged benefits of the practice and counter the criticisms raised by the opposing coalition. Finally, we understand that homeschooling has the potential to jeopardize the right to education and the idea of collective construction aimed at coexistence in a democratic society.

No description available.

Throughout its history, the EU has been centred around economic integration. Today, however, the EU's political ambitions extend to more areas, such as environment and health. How does the legacy of economic integration affect the EU's ability to pursue policy in these areas, especially when it may offset commercial objectives? One such area is alcohol policy. While alcohol policy often involves a trade-off between health and commercial objectives, EU alcohol policy has historically prioritised the latter. This appeared to change with the announcement of Europe's Beating Cancer Plan in 2021. This thesis, using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, studies EU alcohol policy to determine whether or not a policy shift towards a more ambitious public health policy occurred as a result of the plan. The results show that policy change did not happen in the wake of the cancer plan. Instead, policy was delayed or changed to not interfere with commercial goals. The findings also show that two coalitions fought for influence over the policy process. One, centred around public health actors, and one centred around alcohol industry actors. The study shows that the industry coalition was more influential at key stages that affected the outcome of the policy deliberations. The conclusions show that the political culture and commercial structures set up to accommodate single market integration also act as defenders of commercial priorities. Notably, corresponding structures for public health were either limited or non-existent. This suggests that a bias exists that hinder significant political progress on health policy.

No description available.

Esta dissertação apresenta uma investigação sobre atores envolvidos na produção de políticas públicas para a primeira infância no Brasil. Nela buscou-se identificar e compreender suas ideias, suas formas de organização, articulação, negociação e tomada de decisão, explicando o predomínio da conciliação e do consenso entre eles. A pesquisa teve também o propósito de testar a viabilidade do uso da Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) para o estudo daqueles atores e seu subsistema de políticas, verificando as possibilidades e limitações dessa estrutura teórico-conceitual. Foi feito um estudo de caso sobre a comissão especial da Câmara dos Deputados que aprovou em 2014 o Projeto de Lei nº 6998\\2013, levando à criação do Marco Legal da Primeira Infância (MLPI), a Lei nº 13257 de 8\\3\\2016. Foram analisados os registros em texto e áudio das reuniões e audiências da comissão. A análise de argumentos e posições dos atores foi fundamentada na abordagem conceitual de Michael Freeden e na sua morfologia das famílias ideológicas, em associação com a caracterização das ideologias por Andrew Vincent. Foram identificados conceitos e princípios característicos de diversas famílias ideológicas, revelando-se bases para diferentes coalizões. As constatações da análise foram comparadas com dados fornecidos por atores em entrevistas semiestruturadas. Concluiu-se que houve um empenho comum das coalizões para a construção de um consenso prático que garantisse a aprovação do MLPI, pois esta beneficiaria a todos os atores. O teste de uso da ACF indicou que esta é uma abordagem apropriada para o estudo daquele subsistema de políticas, embora tenha apresentado duas limitações graves: não foi capaz de explicar a ação individual contraditória nem o apoio de todas as coalizões à criação do MLPI. Nesses dois pontos, foi necessário recorrer à abordagem de James March sobre as lógicas da adequação e da consequência. Sendo, tal como a ACF, uma abordagem ideacional, esse sistema de lógicas de ação mostrou-se um complemento viável e eficiente. / This dissertation presents an investigation on individuals and groups devoted to design public policies for early childhood in Brazil. It sought to understand their ideas, the ways they coordinate and compete, their decision-making process, as well as to explain the dominance of consensus among them. This work also aimed to test the feasibility of using Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) as theoretical background for the research on those actors and their policy subsystem. A case study was made of the special committee in the Câmara dos Deputados where representatives passed in 2014 the Bill nº 6998\\2013, leading to the creation of a national legal framework for early childhood (MLPI), by Law nº 13257 of 3\\8th\\2016. Records (text and audio) of meetings and hearings held by the commitee were analyzed. The analysis of arguments and positions expressed by actors was based on Michael Freedens conceptual approach of ideologies and his morphology of ideological families, in association with Andrew Vincents characterization of ideologies. Concepts and principles related to various ideologies were identified, pointing out conditions for different coalitions to be formed. The findings of analysis were compared with information provided by actors in semi-structured interviews. It was concluded that there was a common commitment of coalitions to build a practical consensus that would assure the approval of MLPI, as this would benefit all stakeholders. The feasibility test of ACF suggested that this is a suitable approach to the research on that policy subsystem, although it has presented two serious limitations: it was not able to explain the contradictory individual action nor the commitment of all coalitions to the creation of MLPI. To deal with these topics, it was necessary to resort to James Marchs approach on the logics of appopriateness and consequences. Being as much an ideational approach as the ACF, this logic of action system proved to be a viable and efficient complement.

Esta dissertação apresenta uma investigação sobre atores envolvidos na produção de políticas públicas para a primeira infância no Brasil. Nela buscou-se identificar e compreender suas ideias, suas formas de organização, articulação, negociação e tomada de decisão, explicando o predomínio da conciliação e do consenso entre eles. A pesquisa teve também o propósito de testar a viabilidade do uso da Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) para o estudo daqueles atores e seu subsistema de políticas, verificando as possibilidades e limitações dessa estrutura teórico-conceitual. Foi feito um estudo de caso sobre a comissão especial da Câmara dos Deputados que aprovou em 2014 o Projeto de Lei nº 6998\\2013, levando à criação do Marco Legal da Primeira Infância (MLPI), a Lei nº 13257 de 8\\3\\2016. Foram analisados os registros em texto e áudio das reuniões e audiências da comissão. A análise de argumentos e posições dos atores foi fundamentada na abordagem conceitual de Michael Freeden e na sua morfologia das famílias ideológicas, em associação com a caracterização das ideologias por Andrew Vincent. Foram identificados conceitos e princípios característicos de diversas famílias ideológicas, revelando-se bases para diferentes coalizões. As constatações da análise foram comparadas com dados fornecidos por atores em entrevistas semiestruturadas. Concluiu-se que houve um empenho comum das coalizões para a construção de um consenso prático que garantisse a aprovação do MLPI, pois esta beneficiaria a todos os atores. O teste de uso da ACF indicou que esta é uma abordagem apropriada para o estudo daquele subsistema de políticas, embora tenha apresentado duas limitações graves: não foi capaz de explicar a ação individual contraditória nem o apoio de todas as coalizões à criação do MLPI. Nesses dois pontos, foi necessário recorrer à abordagem de James March sobre as lógicas da adequação e da consequência. Sendo, tal como a ACF, uma abordagem ideacional, esse sistema de lógicas de ação mostrou-se um complemento viável e eficiente. / This dissertation presents an investigation on individuals and groups devoted to design public policies for early childhood in Brazil. It sought to understand their ideas, the ways they coordinate and compete, their decision-making process, as well as to explain the dominance of consensus among them. This work also aimed to test the feasibility of using Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) as theoretical background for the research on those actors and their policy subsystem. A case study was made of the special committee in the Câmara dos Deputados where representatives passed in 2014 the Bill nº 6998\\2013, leading to the creation of a national legal framework for early childhood (MLPI), by Law nº 13257 of 3\\8th\\2016. Records (text and audio) of meetings and hearings held by the commitee were analyzed. The analysis of arguments and positions expressed by actors was based on Michael Freedens conceptual approach of ideologies and his morphology of ideological families, in association with Andrew Vincents characterization of ideologies. Concepts and principles related to various ideologies were identified, pointing out conditions for different coalitions to be formed. The findings of analysis were compared with information provided by actors in semi-structured interviews. It was concluded that there was a common commitment of coalitions to build a practical consensus that would assure the approval of MLPI, as this would benefit all stakeholders. The feasibility test of ACF suggested that this is a suitable approach to the research on that policy subsystem, although it has presented two serious limitations: it was not able to explain the contradictory individual action nor the commitment of all coalitions to the creation of MLPI. To deal with these topics, it was necessary to resort to James Marchs approach on the logics of appopriateness and consequences. Being as much an ideational approach as the ACF, this logic of action system proved to be a viable and efficient complement.