Abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine how the Swedish policy of neutrality has changed between the years 1990-2008. The research method used for this essay has been comparative case study, which strives to answer four research questions. Two of these questions are: Which specific occurrences have been fundamental in changing the Swedish policy of neutrality? How have the Swedish policy of neutrality and the policy of non-alignment changed between the years 1990-2008? The theoretical frame work of this study consists of Europeanization as a comprehensive theoretical perspective. In order to explain the Swedish act regarding the policy of neutrality, Logic of Consequences and Logic of appropriateness are used. The conclusion of the study points out that Sweden has become much more flexible in terms of policy of neutrality and policy of security. The years between 1990-2008 are distinguished due to the fact that the international cooperation has become much more important in the Swedish act of security. Sweden still has the policy of non-alignment, but cooperation between the states is more and more prioritized to secure peace around the world.

<p>Abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine how the Swedish policy of neutrality has changed between the years 1990-2008. The research method used for this essay has been comparative case study, which strives to answer four research questions. Two of these questions are: Which specific occurrences have been fundamental in changing the Swedish policy of neutrality? How have the Swedish policy of neutrality and the policy of non-alignment changed between the years 1990-2008? The theoretical frame work of this study consists of Europeanization as a comprehensive theoretical perspective. In order to explain the Swedish act regarding the policy of neutrality, Logic of Consequences and Logic of appropriateness are used. The conclusion of the study points out that Sweden has become much more flexible in terms of policy of neutrality and policy of security. The years between 1990-2008 are distinguished due to the fact that the international cooperation has become much more important in the Swedish act of security. Sweden still has the policy of non-alignment, but cooperation between the states is more and more prioritized to secure peace around the world.</p>

The mass-migration of refugees in the fall 2015 posed an immense humanitarian and logistical challenge: exhausted from their week-long journeys, refugees arrived in Vienna in need of care, shelter, food, medical aid, and onward transport. The refugee crisis was managed by an emerging polycentric and inter-sectoral collective of organizations. In this paper, we investigate how, during such a situation, leaders of these organizations made decisions in concert with each other and hence sustained the collective's capacity to act collectively. We ask: what was the logic of decision-making that orchestrated collective action during the crisis? In answering this question, we make the following contribution: departing from March's logics of consequences and appropriateness as well as Weick's work on sensemaking during crisis, we introduce an alternative logic that informed decision-making: the logic of tact. With this concept we (a) offer a better understanding of how managers make decisions under the condition of bounded rationality and the simultaneous transgression of their institutional identity in situations of crisis; and we (b) show that in decision-making under duress cognition is neither ahead of action, nor is action ahead of cognition; rather, tact explicates the rapid switching between cognition and action, orchestrating decision-making through this interplay.

The problem area of the study concerns the Swedish arms export to the United Arab Emirates and if this goes against Swedish legislation regarding weapons export as a rule with the guidelines for human rights and non-armed conflicts, which are also established in law from 2018. These guidelines can be considered important for Swedish foreign policy, with the goal to depict Sweden as a nation that protects human rights, seeks world peace and democratic ideals, which has led to this study that wants to investigate the arms exports to the United Arab Emirates during 2019. The primary goal has been to investigate if these correspond to the Swedish regulations for weapons export as well as how the new Swedish legislation took form and how the discourse around it developed. The study is situated around the theoretic discussion if actors generally are guided by norms (logic of appropriateness) or self-interest (logic of consequences) together with rational choice, and which of these Sweden might have reasoned about when they chose to approve of the exports. The results showed that the Swedish legislation had a loophole that made it possible for earlier approved licence applications to receive sequential deliveries, even though the new legislation made it mandatory to make a new licence application for these as well. / Uppsatsens problemområde behandlar den svenska krigsmaterielexporten till Förenade Arabemiraten och om denna går emot den svenska lagstiftningen för krigsmaterielexport i regel med riktlinjerna för mänskliga rättigheter och icke-väpnade konflikter, vilka också är fastställda i lag från och med 2018. Då dessa kriterier kan anses vara viktiga för Sveriges utlandspolitik, i syfte att skildra Sverige som ett land som värnar om mänskliga rättigheter, världsfred och demokratiska ideal så har denna uppsats velat undersöka krigsmaterielexporten till Förenade Arabemiraten under 2019. Det primära syftet har varit att undersöka om dessa överensstämmer med det svenska regelverket för krigsmaterielexport samt hur den nya svenska lagstiftningen tog form och hur diskursen formats runt denne. Studien är situerad runt den teoretiska diskussionen om aktörer generellt styrs av normer (logic of appropriateness) eller egenintresse (logic of consequences) tillsammans med rational choice och vilken av dessa Sverige kan ha resonerat kring när de valt att godkänna exporten. Resultatet har visat att den svenska lagstiftningen har ett kryphål som öppnar upp för följdleveranser till tidigare godkända tillståndsprövningar, dock ska det enligt ny lagstiftning alltid göras nya prövningar på även dessa.

Previous literature on the Europeanization of candidate countries has lacked careful empirical investigations into how the process drives domestic policies to change in line with the EU acquis. Selecting on the least-likely case of Turkey and its refugee and asylum policy, I identify that previous work has assumed that Turkey’s policy shifts have been driven by rationalist cost- benefit calculations of its government. The purpose of this study has been to empirically investigate and trace the mechanisms of Europeanization in the selected case, in order to thereby contribute to knowledge on the process of Europeanization in candidate countries in general, and address to the previous research gap. Given this purpose, I have aimed to produce answers to the research question: how has the EU affected Turkey’s asylum and refugee policy after the declaration of candidacy status? I hypothesize that a rationalist model driven by the EU’s conditionality can indeed explain domestic policy changes in Turkey, but also that an alternative mechanism of socialization has been at play. Tracing the process of Europeanization through secondary sources, the results show that what started with behavioral-adaptation of domestic policy change in alignment with the EU’s laws, norms and demands between 1999 and 2010, between 2011 and 2018 the Turkish asylum and refugee policies started to step away from the push power of the external incentives. Nonetheless, significant domestic policy changes continued, suggesting evidence against the rationalist conditionality model of Europeanization in this period. However, I argue that the results are not strong enough to make the claim Turkey’s domestic policy change was driven by a mechanism of socialization, but rather suggest there has been initiation of a switch between the mechanisms.

diplomové práce v anglickém jazyce: EU sanctions against Austria in 2000 in the context of the position of Austria in the European Union. Application of constructivist theory on the case The Master thesis EU sanctions against Austria in 2000 in the context of the position of Austria in the European Union. Application of constructivist theory on the case tried to analyse the Austrian case from the constructivist perspective. The thesis attempted to verify the hypothesis that the Member States of the European Union wrongly assessed the impact of Haider's FPÖ on the Austrian democratic development and the European Union itself, claiming that the participation of the FPÖ in the Austrian federal government was jeopardizing its democratic values. In fact there was no evidence for this allegation despite the nature of the FPÖ which was confirmed as being far-right in some aspects (for instance its xenophobia). It has been shown that the participation of the FPÖ in the Austrian government (rather than its isolation, which might have led to even bigger support) was in a certain way a guarantee that democracy and the common values of the European Union would be upheld. Furthermore the thesis tried to answer the question whether the inclusion of the FPÖ in the governmental coalition had posed a real danger...

Esta dissertação apresenta uma investigação sobre atores envolvidos na produção de políticas públicas para a primeira infância no Brasil. Nela buscou-se identificar e compreender suas ideias, suas formas de organização, articulação, negociação e tomada de decisão, explicando o predomínio da conciliação e do consenso entre eles. A pesquisa teve também o propósito de testar a viabilidade do uso da Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) para o estudo daqueles atores e seu subsistema de políticas, verificando as possibilidades e limitações dessa estrutura teórico-conceitual. Foi feito um estudo de caso sobre a comissão especial da Câmara dos Deputados que aprovou em 2014 o Projeto de Lei nº 6998\\2013, levando à criação do Marco Legal da Primeira Infância (MLPI), a Lei nº 13257 de 8\\3\\2016. Foram analisados os registros em texto e áudio das reuniões e audiências da comissão. A análise de argumentos e posições dos atores foi fundamentada na abordagem conceitual de Michael Freeden e na sua morfologia das famílias ideológicas, em associação com a caracterização das ideologias por Andrew Vincent. Foram identificados conceitos e princípios característicos de diversas famílias ideológicas, revelando-se bases para diferentes coalizões. As constatações da análise foram comparadas com dados fornecidos por atores em entrevistas semiestruturadas. Concluiu-se que houve um empenho comum das coalizões para a construção de um consenso prático que garantisse a aprovação do MLPI, pois esta beneficiaria a todos os atores. O teste de uso da ACF indicou que esta é uma abordagem apropriada para o estudo daquele subsistema de políticas, embora tenha apresentado duas limitações graves: não foi capaz de explicar a ação individual contraditória nem o apoio de todas as coalizões à criação do MLPI. Nesses dois pontos, foi necessário recorrer à abordagem de James March sobre as lógicas da adequação e da consequência. Sendo, tal como a ACF, uma abordagem ideacional, esse sistema de lógicas de ação mostrou-se um complemento viável e eficiente. / This dissertation presents an investigation on individuals and groups devoted to design public policies for early childhood in Brazil. It sought to understand their ideas, the ways they coordinate and compete, their decision-making process, as well as to explain the dominance of consensus among them. This work also aimed to test the feasibility of using Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) as theoretical background for the research on those actors and their policy subsystem. A case study was made of the special committee in the Câmara dos Deputados where representatives passed in 2014 the Bill nº 6998\\2013, leading to the creation of a national legal framework for early childhood (MLPI), by Law nº 13257 of 3\\8th\\2016. Records (text and audio) of meetings and hearings held by the commitee were analyzed. The analysis of arguments and positions expressed by actors was based on Michael Freedens conceptual approach of ideologies and his morphology of ideological families, in association with Andrew Vincents characterization of ideologies. Concepts and principles related to various ideologies were identified, pointing out conditions for different coalitions to be formed. The findings of analysis were compared with information provided by actors in semi-structured interviews. It was concluded that there was a common commitment of coalitions to build a practical consensus that would assure the approval of MLPI, as this would benefit all stakeholders. The feasibility test of ACF suggested that this is a suitable approach to the research on that policy subsystem, although it has presented two serious limitations: it was not able to explain the contradictory individual action nor the commitment of all coalitions to the creation of MLPI. To deal with these topics, it was necessary to resort to James Marchs approach on the logics of appopriateness and consequences. Being as much an ideational approach as the ACF, this logic of action system proved to be a viable and efficient complement.

Esta dissertação apresenta uma investigação sobre atores envolvidos na produção de políticas públicas para a primeira infância no Brasil. Nela buscou-se identificar e compreender suas ideias, suas formas de organização, articulação, negociação e tomada de decisão, explicando o predomínio da conciliação e do consenso entre eles. A pesquisa teve também o propósito de testar a viabilidade do uso da Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) para o estudo daqueles atores e seu subsistema de políticas, verificando as possibilidades e limitações dessa estrutura teórico-conceitual. Foi feito um estudo de caso sobre a comissão especial da Câmara dos Deputados que aprovou em 2014 o Projeto de Lei nº 6998\\2013, levando à criação do Marco Legal da Primeira Infância (MLPI), a Lei nº 13257 de 8\\3\\2016. Foram analisados os registros em texto e áudio das reuniões e audiências da comissão. A análise de argumentos e posições dos atores foi fundamentada na abordagem conceitual de Michael Freeden e na sua morfologia das famílias ideológicas, em associação com a caracterização das ideologias por Andrew Vincent. Foram identificados conceitos e princípios característicos de diversas famílias ideológicas, revelando-se bases para diferentes coalizões. As constatações da análise foram comparadas com dados fornecidos por atores em entrevistas semiestruturadas. Concluiu-se que houve um empenho comum das coalizões para a construção de um consenso prático que garantisse a aprovação do MLPI, pois esta beneficiaria a todos os atores. O teste de uso da ACF indicou que esta é uma abordagem apropriada para o estudo daquele subsistema de políticas, embora tenha apresentado duas limitações graves: não foi capaz de explicar a ação individual contraditória nem o apoio de todas as coalizões à criação do MLPI. Nesses dois pontos, foi necessário recorrer à abordagem de James March sobre as lógicas da adequação e da consequência. Sendo, tal como a ACF, uma abordagem ideacional, esse sistema de lógicas de ação mostrou-se um complemento viável e eficiente. / This dissertation presents an investigation on individuals and groups devoted to design public policies for early childhood in Brazil. It sought to understand their ideas, the ways they coordinate and compete, their decision-making process, as well as to explain the dominance of consensus among them. This work also aimed to test the feasibility of using Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) as theoretical background for the research on those actors and their policy subsystem. A case study was made of the special committee in the Câmara dos Deputados where representatives passed in 2014 the Bill nº 6998\\2013, leading to the creation of a national legal framework for early childhood (MLPI), by Law nº 13257 of 3\\8th\\2016. Records (text and audio) of meetings and hearings held by the commitee were analyzed. The analysis of arguments and positions expressed by actors was based on Michael Freedens conceptual approach of ideologies and his morphology of ideological families, in association with Andrew Vincents characterization of ideologies. Concepts and principles related to various ideologies were identified, pointing out conditions for different coalitions to be formed. The findings of analysis were compared with information provided by actors in semi-structured interviews. It was concluded that there was a common commitment of coalitions to build a practical consensus that would assure the approval of MLPI, as this would benefit all stakeholders. The feasibility test of ACF suggested that this is a suitable approach to the research on that policy subsystem, although it has presented two serious limitations: it was not able to explain the contradictory individual action nor the commitment of all coalitions to the creation of MLPI. To deal with these topics, it was necessary to resort to James Marchs approach on the logics of appopriateness and consequences. Being as much an ideational approach as the ACF, this logic of action system proved to be a viable and efficient complement.