Abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine how the Swedish policy of neutrality has changed between the years 1990-2008. The research method used for this essay has been comparative case study, which strives to answer four research questions. Two of these questions are: Which specific occurrences have been fundamental in changing the Swedish policy of neutrality? How have the Swedish policy of neutrality and the policy of non-alignment changed between the years 1990-2008? The theoretical frame work of this study consists of Europeanization as a comprehensive theoretical perspective. In order to explain the Swedish act regarding the policy of neutrality, Logic of Consequences and Logic of appropriateness are used. The conclusion of the study points out that Sweden has become much more flexible in terms of policy of neutrality and policy of security. The years between 1990-2008 are distinguished due to the fact that the international cooperation has become much more important in the Swedish act of security. Sweden still has the policy of non-alignment, but cooperation between the states is more and more prioritized to secure peace around the world.

<p>Abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine how the Swedish policy of neutrality has changed between the years 1990-2008. The research method used for this essay has been comparative case study, which strives to answer four research questions. Two of these questions are: Which specific occurrences have been fundamental in changing the Swedish policy of neutrality? How have the Swedish policy of neutrality and the policy of non-alignment changed between the years 1990-2008? The theoretical frame work of this study consists of Europeanization as a comprehensive theoretical perspective. In order to explain the Swedish act regarding the policy of neutrality, Logic of Consequences and Logic of appropriateness are used. The conclusion of the study points out that Sweden has become much more flexible in terms of policy of neutrality and policy of security. The years between 1990-2008 are distinguished due to the fact that the international cooperation has become much more important in the Swedish act of security. Sweden still has the policy of non-alignment, but cooperation between the states is more and more prioritized to secure peace around the world.</p>

The Swedish Military Intelligence and Security Directorate (MUST) is a producer of knowledge, a knowledge that is fundamental for decisionmaking in foreign and security policy. The intelligence knowledge production is often held as objective, value neutral, and with the intention of ‘speaking truth onto power’. However, this study holds that such a perspective on intelligence knowledge production calls for a revision. Hence, the overall purpose of this study is to examine the characteristics of knowledge in intelligence analysis and also to investigate how that knowledge is affected by the social context of its production, the military intelligence service. The source material is of three kinds; first texts and documents, second interviews with intelligence analysts and managers, and third observations of seminars and meetings during the production process of estimates. The results are that there is a strong presence of an implicit interpretive framework that continuously influences and guides the knowledge production and thereby makes the knowledge dependent on one specific perspective contrary to the intentional objectivity within the intelligence service. Further, the study reveals that the social and discursive practices for intelligence knowledge production include a ‘logic of appropriateness’ suggesting the presence of a structured Denkkollektiv with a structured Denkstil. The actions and choices of the individuals are transformed to create conformity to the norms within the social discursive practices. Thus, the inherited frame of interpretation, as well as the socialised norm of staying within the existing accepted frames ofthinking and acting ends up to the stability and duration of the not always accurate and fruitful Denkstil. At the core of political science resides the question of how policy is shaped. Even though this study has focused merely on one organisation in a specific policy field in one country it brings insights to the knowledge and policy nexus.

The diploma thesis experimentally examines the influence of the discourse of international relations schools on decision-making of its actors. The hypothesis presumes that the extent of actors' cooperation is influenced by the discursive framing in which the dilemma is presented. The experimental model has been constructed on the basis of iterated prisoner's dilemma which is presented through discursively influenced narratives as an evolving international relations situation. These narratives, representing an independent variable, have been derived from concrete schools of international relations - realism, neoliberalism and constructivism. Participants of the experiment were assigned to particular experimental treatment on the basis of random assignment. The experiment confirmed a statistically significant difference between decision-making of participants assigned to the realist and neoliberal experimental treatment, fulfilling the condition of random assignment which was controlled through control variables. Understanding of the decision-making process was further enriched by a qualitative analysis of interviews with selected experiment participants; the analysis deals especially with the strategy selection process and the strategy application. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

EU formas av sina kriser och utgör summan av de lösningar man funnit för kriserna. Så skrev en av EU:s pionjärer, fransmannen Jean Monnet, i sina memoarer. Historien har givit honom rätt. Den ekonomiska krisen i spåren av coronapandemin är den senaste i raden av kriser som historiskt har avlöst varandra. Hur den europeiska integrationen fördjupas i framtiden återstår att se, men vad som är uppenbart är att EU:s återhämtningsfond Next Generation EU markerar ett skifte i EU:s ekonomiska styrning. Men hur kan det gå till när den europeiska ekonomiska integrationen fördjupas?  Genom en utfallsförklarande processpårning söker studien svar på hur nyinstitutionella teorier kan förklara varför Sverige röstade för Next Generation EU i juli 2020, trots tidigare motstånd mot avgörande delar av stödpaketet. Aspekter av förhandlingarna har tidigare undersökts, men forskning saknas kring Sveriges agerande som medlemsland, och inom ramen för den frugala fyran bestående av Österrike, Nederländerna, Sverige och Danmark. Studien prövar historisk institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism och sociologisk institutionalism för sig. Resultatet visar Sveriges spårberoende och att coronapandemin som ett potentiellt kritiskt moment påkallade förändring. Sverige agerande genom preferensmaximering för att tillgodose sina behov, men lämplighetslogiken påverkade vissa avgörande preferensförändringar. De nyinstitutionella teorierna förklarade förtjänstfullt olika aspekter av utfallet, men ingen enskild teori kunde ensamt förklara utfallet. Därför kombinerades teorierna och de luckor som uppstått kunde täppas till.

The mass-migration of refugees in the fall 2015 posed an immense humanitarian and logistical challenge: exhausted from their week-long journeys, refugees arrived in Vienna in need of care, shelter, food, medical aid, and onward transport. The refugee crisis was managed by an emerging polycentric and inter-sectoral collective of organizations. In this paper, we investigate how, during such a situation, leaders of these organizations made decisions in concert with each other and hence sustained the collective's capacity to act collectively. We ask: what was the logic of decision-making that orchestrated collective action during the crisis? In answering this question, we make the following contribution: departing from March's logics of consequences and appropriateness as well as Weick's work on sensemaking during crisis, we introduce an alternative logic that informed decision-making: the logic of tact. With this concept we (a) offer a better understanding of how managers make decisions under the condition of bounded rationality and the simultaneous transgression of their institutional identity in situations of crisis; and we (b) show that in decision-making under duress cognition is neither ahead of action, nor is action ahead of cognition; rather, tact explicates the rapid switching between cognition and action, orchestrating decision-making through this interplay.

As attention of scholars shift from perils of presidentialism to perils of semipresidentialism in the recent decades, French style of cohabitation power sharing mode in the executive merits our endeavor to understand the micro-dynamics that is embedded in it. It includes how it emerged, how it was practiced and what consequences it produced. Such effort, if wisely applied, can probably be helpful in slowing down the rate of political system breakdown in many of the newly emerged democratic systems that emulate the French model. After an introduction to the blackbox of French cohabitation, the remainder of the dissertation is divided into eight chapters. Chapter 2 briefly reviews the existing literature on French cohabitation. Chapter 3 introduces the interpretive paradigm of qualitative research that is employed to analyze data and to facilitate theory building. In the 4th theoretical discussion chapter, three elements of practice theory approach ¡V temporality, duality of structure and unanticipated consequences are elaborated respectively. The three elements correspond to answer three research questions comprising how cohabitation emerged, how it was practiced and what kinds of consequences it produced. Chapter 5 to 8 display findings to the questions. They unravel for us other faces of French cohabitation which can be an active outcome of rationalization, a dynamic generator and a collective inevitable self-deception. Chapter 9 concludes by delineating theoretical and practical contribution of the dissertation.

This examination studies the gender balance of contemporary art exhibitions in Sweden. To what extent genders are equally represented assumes to be based on how the curating process considers equality work. Three categories of art organisations are studied with the intention to determine differences in equality approach between the categories. Official documents of each organisation are examined to understand how they formally relate to equality work. Statistics of the actual gender balance of each organisation are produced based on the last two years exhibition archives. The study includes interviews with a curator or director from two private exhibition halls, two private art galleries and two public art institutions. The aim is to create an understanding of how the decisions are made and on what basis the artists are chosen. The theoretic base is institutional theory, the study uses a part of the theory called the logic of appropriateness, which explains individual behaviour as a result of how the three aspects identity, rules and situation interact and combine. The conclusions of this study are that all respondents show awareness of the gender balance issue yet other variables are more important for the decision. There is generally a loose coupling between the formal and the informal structure. Equality work can be implemented as a policy without making any difference in the practice. / Studien undersöker hur könsfördelningen ser ut på den samtida konstscenen i Sverige. I vilken utsträckning kön representeras på ett jämställt sätt inom utställningsproduktion antas kopplat till hur de delaktiga i beslutsprocessen förhåller sig till externt jämställdhetsarbete. Tre kategorier av organisationer studeras för att kunna avgöra om det finns skillnader i tillvägagångssätt. Officiella dokument från varje organisation undersöks för att förstå hur de formellt förhåller sig till jämställdhetsarbete. Statistik av den faktiska könsfördelningen för varje organisation tas fram från de två senaste årens utställningsarkiv. Studien innefattar även intervjuer med en beslutsfattande person från respektive organisation; två statliga konstinstitutioner, två privata konsthallar och två privata gallerier. Undersökningen syftar till att skapa förståelse för vad som ligger till grund för valet av konstnärer. Studien har sin teoretiska utgångspunkt i institutionell teori och använder en del av teorin som kallas lämplighetslogiken. Teorin förklarar individuellt beteende som beroende av sin kontext, utifrån de tre aspekterna identitet, regler och situation. Slutsatserna för undersökningen är att samtliga respondenter visar en stor medvetenhet kring könsfördelningen men att andra variabler tenderar att vara viktigare i valet av konstnärer. Hur organisationerna formellt förhåller sig till jämställdhetsarbete har en begränsad påverkan på det praktiska utfallet. Desto mer betydelsefullt är huruvida dessa värderingar finns implementerade i företagskulturen och hos de som är delaktiga i beslutsprocessen.

The problem area of the study concerns the Swedish arms export to the United Arab Emirates and if this goes against Swedish legislation regarding weapons export as a rule with the guidelines for human rights and non-armed conflicts, which are also established in law from 2018. These guidelines can be considered important for Swedish foreign policy, with the goal to depict Sweden as a nation that protects human rights, seeks world peace and democratic ideals, which has led to this study that wants to investigate the arms exports to the United Arab Emirates during 2019. The primary goal has been to investigate if these correspond to the Swedish regulations for weapons export as well as how the new Swedish legislation took form and how the discourse around it developed. The study is situated around the theoretic discussion if actors generally are guided by norms (logic of appropriateness) or self-interest (logic of consequences) together with rational choice, and which of these Sweden might have reasoned about when they chose to approve of the exports. The results showed that the Swedish legislation had a loophole that made it possible for earlier approved licence applications to receive sequential deliveries, even though the new legislation made it mandatory to make a new licence application for these as well. / Uppsatsens problemområde behandlar den svenska krigsmaterielexporten till Förenade Arabemiraten och om denna går emot den svenska lagstiftningen för krigsmaterielexport i regel med riktlinjerna för mänskliga rättigheter och icke-väpnade konflikter, vilka också är fastställda i lag från och med 2018. Då dessa kriterier kan anses vara viktiga för Sveriges utlandspolitik, i syfte att skildra Sverige som ett land som värnar om mänskliga rättigheter, världsfred och demokratiska ideal så har denna uppsats velat undersöka krigsmaterielexporten till Förenade Arabemiraten under 2019. Det primära syftet har varit att undersöka om dessa överensstämmer med det svenska regelverket för krigsmaterielexport samt hur den nya svenska lagstiftningen tog form och hur diskursen formats runt denne. Studien är situerad runt den teoretiska diskussionen om aktörer generellt styrs av normer (logic of appropriateness) eller egenintresse (logic of consequences) tillsammans med rational choice och vilken av dessa Sverige kan ha resonerat kring när de valt att godkänna exporten. Resultatet har visat att den svenska lagstiftningen har ett kryphål som öppnar upp för följdleveranser till tidigare godkända tillståndsprövningar, dock ska det enligt ny lagstiftning alltid göras nya prövningar på även dessa.

Previous literature on the Europeanization of candidate countries has lacked careful empirical investigations into how the process drives domestic policies to change in line with the EU acquis. Selecting on the least-likely case of Turkey and its refugee and asylum policy, I identify that previous work has assumed that Turkey’s policy shifts have been driven by rationalist cost- benefit calculations of its government. The purpose of this study has been to empirically investigate and trace the mechanisms of Europeanization in the selected case, in order to thereby contribute to knowledge on the process of Europeanization in candidate countries in general, and address to the previous research gap. Given this purpose, I have aimed to produce answers to the research question: how has the EU affected Turkey’s asylum and refugee policy after the declaration of candidacy status? I hypothesize that a rationalist model driven by the EU’s conditionality can indeed explain domestic policy changes in Turkey, but also that an alternative mechanism of socialization has been at play. Tracing the process of Europeanization through secondary sources, the results show that what started with behavioral-adaptation of domestic policy change in alignment with the EU’s laws, norms and demands between 1999 and 2010, between 2011 and 2018 the Turkish asylum and refugee policies started to step away from the push power of the external incentives. Nonetheless, significant domestic policy changes continued, suggesting evidence against the rationalist conditionality model of Europeanization in this period. However, I argue that the results are not strong enough to make the claim Turkey’s domestic policy change was driven by a mechanism of socialization, but rather suggest there has been initiation of a switch between the mechanisms.