The purpose of this thesis is to increase our knowledge about corruption issues. It examines the connection between the institutional frame and the individual’s choice made in his institutional role. The study is based on the theories of rational choice institutionalism and public ethos and the empirical data is analyzed from a social constructivist perspective. The addressed research questions are:-How is the institutional frame within the Mauritian public sphere being created, with special focus on shaping the norms saying that corruption is not accepted?-Does the institutional frame, and specifically the public ethos as a norm, influence the individual’s rational choice when deciding not to act corruptly?The empirical material has been collected in Mauritius, and the study uses the Mauritian local government as the example for the institution. According to the theory of rational choice institutionalism, public servants make rational choices, within the frames of the institution. Institutions are to be seen as a wider concept, where both the formal and informal institutions are included, such as norms, institutionalized actions and processes. The public ethos, a norm specifically connected to the democratic, public areas of the society, states that the public servant’s institutional role is different from a private person’s role. According to the theory about the social construction of the reality, the individual’s perception and understanding of his surroundings, the image of his reality, is shaped by the institutional frame and this frame delimits the options to choose among. The analysis is made with the help of a model which illustrates the layers of the institution, and the individual in the institutional frame, which thereby affects his rational calculations. The model is also used to illustrate the result of the analysis, by showing the factors that influence the norm-shaping process. The analysis and the conclusions of the study indicate that the creation of the institutional frame is strongly influenced from the society with an anti-corruption agenda, in form of legislation and government agencies, which have a resilient effect on the norm-shaping. Further, the presence of the public ethos norm is shown as an element of the institutional frame. The public servant, when making a rational calculation to decide to act or not to act corruptly, is situated within this institutional frame. The conclusion of the thesis indicates that the individual’s rational choice is strongly affected by the institutional frame, showing that the public servant does take in consideration the public ethos norms in his institutional role. Even though economic reasons influence how the public servant decides to act, those are reinforced by the institutional norms.

<p>The aim of this case study is to analyse cooperation mainly in issues related to water management in the area along the Miño river. The study focuses on the Spanish municipalities that limit with the river and that are in the border area with Portugal. There was a key issue which was discovered during the reading and analysis of data, a change of no cooperation to cooperation on the Spanish-Portuguese border. There was previously a political culture of no cooperation among the autonomous regions in Spain, which could have affected cooperation with the region of north Portugal. The fact the both countries have different administrative cultures could also impede cooperation. Nevertheless cooperation seems to have developed and in order to study this phenomenon the researcher uses a qualitative method and relies on a choice of institutional theories. This research studies how institutions affect cooperation in this particular case. The theories will analyse the impact of political institutions and the relation between institutions and individuals. They also help to identify how human behaviour affects processes and events.</p>

<p>The relations between Greece and Turkey have developed at an unprecedented level in recent years. Behind this development lay certain factors notably the Simitis Governments’ strategy of redefining the parameters of Greek national interests in foreign policy and the Turkish Governments’ subsequent positive responses to this favorable atmosphere. It is thus possible to use the term ‘détente’ to refer to the period which dates back to 1996, the rise of Simitis to the Greek premiership. Some observers on Greco-Turkish Relations tend to trace the origins of Greco-Turkish détente to the devastating 17 August earthquake in Turkey. Some others try to find the origin of détente in the 1999 Helsinki Summit where Turkey was offered the candidacy status for the EU membership. This thesis proposes an alternative approach by defending the view that the rise of Simitis to the prime ministry itself heralded the chain of events which would later pave the road to the relaxation of Greco-Turkish Relations.</p><p>This thesis is a modest attempt to understand the anatomy of Simitis Leadership and its reflections on Greco-Turkish Relations. On the basis of certain turning points in a chronological fashion, it will uncover the background of an eight-year ruling term with its ups and downs. There is an irony in Greco-Turkish Relations: Outbreak of crises between the two neighbors led both the Greek and the Turkish political actors to re-examine their attitude in the following phase of their relationship. In the Simitis Era, the tensions created opportunities for building up networks of cooperation initiatives to a certain extent. I also argue here that spillover logic in Greco-Turkish Relations has started working- albeit cautiously- and that this spirit could be sustainable if managed by both sides wisely. Continuation of the Greco-Turkish détente even after the governmental change in Athens in April 2004 demonstrates that the Simitis Leadership has determined a new framework for Greco- Turkish Relations. This framework has been set through pushing Turkey to the future EU membership orientation and setting mechanisms of reward/punishment (or carrot/stick) policy on Turkey’s route to Brussels through the EU.</p>

The aim of this case study is to analyse cooperation mainly in issues related to water management in the area along the Miño river. The study focuses on the Spanish municipalities that limit with the river and that are in the border area with Portugal. There was a key issue which was discovered during the reading and analysis of data, a change of no cooperation to cooperation on the Spanish-Portuguese border. There was previously a political culture of no cooperation among the autonomous regions in Spain, which could have affected cooperation with the region of north Portugal. The fact the both countries have different administrative cultures could also impede cooperation. Nevertheless cooperation seems to have developed and in order to study this phenomenon the researcher uses a qualitative method and relies on a choice of institutional theories. This research studies how institutions affect cooperation in this particular case. The theories will analyse the impact of political institutions and the relation between institutions and individuals. They also help to identify how human behaviour affects processes and events.

The succession is Taiwan's in 1986 (75 years) under the martial law authority system, the aboriginality democratic progressive party's in at the end of fall the beginning of winter (9/28) date, just happene to meet atthat time the Kuomintang being in power authority ountedscout densely covered with under the atmosphere which withered finally to establish. This is the organizational structure which loose has notoperated the rudder from non-party time each place enters into officiallyby the central party committee political party essence institution operation start, previously like the mushroom growth various places non-partyorganization also one after another one after another reformed the beingestablished development, and by place standing organization institution(party committee) the state has opened in our country democraticinstitutions the party politics competition. Democratic progressive party place county municipal party headquarters party duty director is situated the strategic point, actually the political party stationing in various places county city party organization institution's actual person in charge, has the strong party spirit and theshoulder political party develops the place politics domain the mission,and holds superiority of the county municipal party headquarters partyresources utilization.The present paper the theory surface which will study by heavy practice surface matching analyzes it, place county municipal party headquarters party duty director will have the system stable really tobe supposed take Democratic Progressive Party's in system lengthwisesection and the non-system surface cross section of as the elaboration axlecenter. System surface: Such as the place party committee sets up the means, the county municipal party headquarters organizes the regulations, the party duty personnel to elect the means, the county municipal party headquarters fourth, five kind of public official elects the nominationmeans or the party member year to year party dues captures depth contents and so on the means and financial control rule, has the system by viewparty duty director to stabilize rests on what. Non-system surface: Then iscontinual by the cross section, such as and pocket party member wealthyand powerful family (foot of pile) transportation and maintenance, rulingcounty city and non-ruling county city time party duty director and countymayor like for same clique either homogeneity of or difference non-sameclique its interaction situation or the role acting why? But other each kindof public service mover or is the coordination also can accept regardingthe party duty director's direction? Furthermore, with for the party dutynational party representative, the county city party members representsand holds comments committee member to link party duty director to havethe system to have what influence and the subtle relations stably. Moreover, these perform its own functions each kind of party duty mover duty department revises the rules and regulations in particular thenational party representative nearly has also not acted must revise changesparty duty director to have the system.If is by the view, above these manymay affect party duty director to produce the system party duty moverreally little to change this system the fact result, is opposite by the word,but ¡§the rational choice system theory¡¨ the viewpoint not also talliesappears party duty director to have the system stable relative most majorcharacteristic even more suddenly. Your in the recent several dozens years, no matter is the East and West world national laws and regulations or the article, also perhaps in anynational big enterprise, the small organization or the political party and the association and so on, its internal custom, the means or the main point, allseek the change and between the transformation activation voice in onepiece, but noisy changes changes does not have set of flawless full easy touse well-mannered systems to be satisfying. In this, production of take thedemocratic progressive party place party duty director as the example,strengthens the system stable invariable usability, even more may verify isthe question which the system custom transforms, but is the stable systemperformer or the influence system stable mover, all takes it by the rationalchoice to oneself's advantageous, determinism and may grasp on fairly,fair, openness, urges place party duty director to have the system stably toexist truly.

L’obiettivo principale di questa tesi è di analizzare l’origine ed evoluzione della dimensione esterna della politica migratoria dell’Unione Europea. Attraverso un framework teorico che coniuga la letteratura sui ‘new modes of governance’ con quella riguardante il ‘rational-choice institutionalism’, questa tesi si propone di analizzare il sistema di governance in tre settori politici che rientrano nell’ambito della dimensione esterna: politica di riammissione, controlli esterni alle frontiere, e cooperazione con Paesi terzi concernente la gestione della migrazione legale. Sulla base delle premesse teoriche sopra indicate, questa tesi avanza due conclusioni principali. In primo luogo, si sostiene che l’evoluzione del sistema di governance nei tre casi presi in considerazione, lungi dal seguire un percorso lineare verso una sempre maggiore comunitarizzazione, ha al contrario dato luogo a sistemi di governance ‘ibridi’, che combinano cioè elementi vincolanti tipici del metodo comunitario con elementi caratteristici dei “new modes of governance”, incentrati sull’uso di soft law. In secondo luogo, si evidenzia il ruolo centrale rivestito dagli Stati Membri nello sviluppare tali sistemi di governance in accordo con due obiettivi prioritari: limitare l’autonomia delle istituzioni sovranazionali all’interno del processo decisionale e plasmare i risultati di tali politiche in accordo con le preferenze degli stessi Stati Membri. / The central aim of this thesis is to provide an account of the origin and evolution of the external dimension of EU migration policy. By means of a theoretical framework that combines new modes of governance and rational-choice institutionalism, this thesis analyses the systems of governance of three policy areas falling within the external dimension: readmission policy, external border controls and cooperation with third countries in the field of legal migration. On the basis of such theoretical premises, two central arguments are advanced. First of all, it is argued that the evolution of the system of governance in the three cases, far from following a linear path towards communitarization, has resulted in the adoption of mixed systems featuring both 'old' modes of governance in line with the traditional Community Method and 'new’ modes based on soft-law and non-binding commitments. Secondly, this thesis underlines the central role played by the Member States in devising those governance mechanisms in order to fulfil two main objectives: limiting the discretion of EU supranational institutions in the decision-making process and shaping policy outcomes according to their preferred policy options.

This thesis is a theory consuming case study that aims to examine how the Council of the European Union voted in matters regarding the environment between 2015 and 2019 in order to begin the implementation of the 2030 Agenda’s Sustainable Development Goal number 13. Moreover, the thesis further examines the impact of the Council’s voting results on the European integration process by using rational choice institutionalism and three explanatory factors; ideology, institutional factors and economical position in the EU. The findings of the thesis show that the member states in the EU voted diversely and that only four member states constantly voted yes throughout 2015 to 2019. Despite the diversity in voting, the factors and the theory utilised here helped explain why it is unlikely that disintegration would occur. As a result, it is clear that the European integration process will continue even though the voting results of the Council could impact further integration or even disintegration due to the member states’ various preferences. The future of European integration thus continues to be uncertain.

The aim of this study is to analyse the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development in the issue of migration in 2010-2018. The inquiry consists of the following two research questions. How has the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats positions regarding migration developed in 2010-2018? How can institutional theories explain the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats idea development? The study is encompassed by three theoretical perspectives also recognised as rational-choice institutionalism, historical institutionalism and discursive institutionalism. In regard to the methodological approach, the study employs the comparative case study design with the most-similar system and is essentially an idea analytical study. The main results reveal that both the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats have adjusted their migration policies but to different degrees. The Swedish Democrats promote similar policies in 2010 as in 2018 with smaller alterations while the Moderate Party has customised larger alterations, distinguishing the party’s migration policy from 2010 and 2018. These policy alterations are primarily explained as a result of rational action, societal discourses and critical junctures.

The use of renewable energy as part of the solution for stabilising global warming has been promoted in industrialised countries for the past three decades. In the last ten years, China, a non-democratic and less-developed state, has implemented non-hydro alternative energy sources through top-down, technology-oriented measures and expanded its renewable energy capacity with unprecedented speed and breadth. This phenomenon seems to contradict to the principle of orthodox environmental governance, in which stakeholder participation is deemed as necessary condition for effective policy outcomes. Given that little research has been conducted on environmental politics in an authoritarian context, I first set out to explore the role of the Chinese state in enabling transformation of the renewable energy sector and to understand the ways in which policy elites seek to introduce developmental state and ecological modernisation strategy in the policy area. Second, by adopting principal-agent theory, I explicate how the governance mechanisms have been deployed and how challenges of the expansion of the sector in the governance system with a large territory have being mitigated. Based upon news reports, policy documents, and interviews with 32 provincial officials, business leaders, academic researchers, and NGO practitioners in two subnational governments, I argue that the renewable energy development in China is governed through a hybrid mode of environmental policy model that uses, upon the existing developmental state regime, ecological modernisation as a policy paradigm, which is partially incorporated in the process. Ultimately, I examine in this thesis the possibility of an alternative form of environmental governance in which renewable energy can be diffused in a less-participatory manner, with more direct controls and target-oriented state intervention measures. This thesis challenges the orthodox assumption that the inclusive mode of governance are the only capable form of environmental governance that reaches desired policy outcomes of renewable energy deployment.

在忽略企業主體性的情況下，國有企業往往被視為被動的行為體，然而「中國電信」卻透過破壞性創新模式，以「小靈通」突破政府的產業監管原則，為企業開創市場機會。本研究透過理性選擇制度論，恢復國有企業的主體性，探討在改革的制度環境中，「中國電信」經理人如何思維「小靈通」業務？政府如何考量監管內容的變更？以及管制與放鬆管制的變遷過程中，政企之間的互動。 研究發現，在政府政策預期的方向上，找到規制與企業利益的平衡點，乃是微觀放鬆與宏觀加強管理體制下，企業的生存之道。個案中，自主性提升的「中國電信」，便是在制度規範中找到追求利益的空間，推出「小靈通」，並透過改革過程中未能徹底解決的產權問題，利用國家重視國有資產保值增值的弱點，以及斬不斷的政企裙帶關係，促成最終的管制放鬆。 / Under the situation without caring about subjectivities of businesses, the state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have been defined as the passive actors. China Telecom, however, depended upon “Xiao-ling-tong” (China’s PHS system) to break through the norms of Chinese government by using Disruptive Innovation Model and got the opportunity into the market. This volume in the light of Rational Choice Institutionalism got the subjectivities of SOEs back and discussed with how the managers in China Telecom considered the strategies of “Xiao-ling-tong” in the circumstance during China’s telecommunication industry reform. And would like to know how the government faced the changing of norms and interactions among the SOEs into the process of control and vice versa at the same time. We found, fortunately, that getting the balancing act between government’s principles and SOEs’ interests is the way which could accord with expectations of government’s policy for businesses to exist. The cases showed the reason why China Telecom with added subjectivity can get its own rooms for profit in the norms is by using “Xiao-ling-tong” and through the property rights problems that couldn’t be resolved, by taking advantage of the fact that Chinese government cares about his properties perpetually or increasingly, and by utilizing the uninterrupted relationship between politics and commerce to push the deregulateon finally.