This thesis seeks to account for diversity in the migratory decisions of Afghan migrants who have recently arrived in Turkey. It proposes that social theories on risk provide a framework that rectifies a theoretical gap in the migration literature with respect to intra-group heterogeneity in the decision-making processes of migrants. The thesis adopts Rosa’s (1998: 28) definition of risk as: ‘a situation or event where something of human value (including humans themselves) has been put at stake and where the outcome is uncertain.' I argue that variation in what migrants view as being ‘at stake’ and in how they evaluate the associated uncertainties— in other words, how migrants perceive risk— accounts for the diversity in the migration decisions of similarly situated migrants. Risk is therefore an analytical tool for understanding decision-making in its subjective and socio-cultural context. The thesis offers a typology as an analytical device for categorising the ways in which informants managed the risks associated with migration decisions. I identify three modes of managing risk, defined as resigned, restless and resilient, on the basis of migrants’ engagements with their social environment, their efforts at advocating for themselves and others, and their ability to gather and disseminate information. The thesis also explores subsidiary themes concerning migrants’ legal consciousness with regard to irregular immigration status, and the process of embodying the physical and emotional consequences of migration. Most of the ethnographic fieldwork for this project was conducted in the cities of Istanbul, Van, Kayseri and Sivas from February 2011 until December 2012.

<p>Begreppet counterinsurgency har fått stor uppmärksamhet efter 2001 och USA:s militäraengagemang i Afghanistan och Irak. USA har bedrivit ett gediget utvecklingsarbete sedan dess och en ny doktrin för just counterinsurgency presenterades 2006. Redan 1964 utkom fransmannen David Galula med en bok i ämnet. Det har alltså funnits teorier om counterinsurgency sedan dess. Sovjetunionens engagemang i Afghanistan under 1980-talet slutade med att den afghanska kommunistregimen kollapsade. Viljan att vinna konflikten borde ha funnits där och precis som USA har dragit erfarenheter, borde något ha gjorts för att försöka vinna konflikten även på 1980-talet. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka om de parter som försökte besegra den afghanska motståndsrörelsen gjorde det på ett sätt som kom att likna Galulas teorier om counterinsurgency. Konflikten har analyserats utifrån Galulas teori om upprorsbekämpning med både politiska och militära medel. Analysen har visat att Sovjetunionen och den afghanska kommunistregimen inte utvecklade sitt sättatt hantera konflikten i en riktning som motsvarade Galulas teorier. Den primära politiska orsaken var att regimen förlitade sig på förtryck för att försöka avskräcka motståndssympatier. Detta tillvägagångssätt ledde istället till ökat stöd för motståndsrörelsen. Militärt saknades medlen att befästa närvaro i nya områden där regimen kunde ha börjat utöva inflytande. I förlängningen innebardet att regimen saknade förmåga att bredda sin inflytandesfär.</p> / <p>The term counterinsurgency has received a lot of attention since 2001 and the U.S commitment in Afghanistan and Iraq. The U.S has conducted thorough developmental work since then and a new doctrine on counterinsurgency was presented in 2006. As early as 1964, the Frenchman David Galula issued a book on the subject, and there have existed theories on counterinsurgency ever since. The Soviet Union’s commitment in Afghanistan during the 1980s ended with the collapse of the Afghan communist regime. The will to win the conflict should have been present there, and in the same way that the U.S have capitalized on their experiences something ought to have been done to try to win the conflict during the 1980s. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the parties involved in the fight against the Afghan resistance acted in a way that resembles Galula’s theories on counterinsurgency. The conflict has been analyzed with Galulas theories on how to defeat an insurgency by both political and military means. The analysis has shown that the Soviet Union and the Afghan communist regime did not develop their way of handling the conflict in a way which is consistent with Galula’s theories. The primary political cause was that the regime put its trust in oppression in their attempts to discourage resistance sympathies. This approach resulted in an increase in support for the Afghan resistance rather than the support of the regime. Militarily, the lack of means to secure the regime’s political presence in new areas meant that the regime was unable to broaden its sphere of influence.</p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

The Afghan Women’s Writing Project (AWWP) emerged in 2009 as a platform through which Afghan women could express their lived experiences and perspectives on a range of culturally relevant issues while retaining their anonymity. The purpose of this research was to understand poetry as a conflict resolution tool that Afghan women are using to be active participants in the social, political and cultural dialogue that is determining their rights. This research focused on three questions: 1) How do Afghan women describe the state of womanhood in Afghanistan? 2) How do Afghan women describe the conflict they experience in their everyday lives? 3) How might poetry and narrative be used to manage the conflict that Afghan women are facing? This research presents a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of one hundred published poems from the AWWP poetry database. Data analysis included open coding, thematic analysis, and the use of van Dijk’s six-step CDA model to evaluate the semantic macrostructures, local meanings, linguistic markers, global and local discourse forms, linguistic realizations, analysis of context, and the researcher’s own interpretive analysis. The findings identify and explain the major themes derived from the study as well as describe how Afghan women feel about womanhood and conflict. The major themes included: child brides/forced marriage, hijab/burqa/niqab, women’s resistance, parents as protectors and/or perpetrators, the power of writing and stress as a result of conflict. This dissertation concludes with a discussion of implications for sustainable norm change using poetry, directions for future research, and recommendations for policy and programming.

No description available.

AbstractThe study aims to hear and represent the experiences of Afghan immigrant mothers in Malmö, Sweden. By focusing on the individual level, the research seeks to investigate the challenges of raising children and the strategies developed to overcome those challenges.  A qualitative research design was chosen for the study, using data from five semi-structured interviews and a focus group. The research is theoretically framed by Berry's acculturation theory and concepts of parenting. The finding indicates that Afghan immigrant mothers face challenges as individuals and as parents during their integration process. The key challenges include adapting to a new way of living, overcoming language barriers, changes in social position and lack of social networks. Additionally, Cultural influence on parenting, the difference between the collective and individualistic parenting styles in Swedish society, and differences in acculturation levels, authority and discipline were significant factors. Finally, the thesis implies immigrant mothers need structural support through access to language classes and community programs to navigate the Swedish system and professional support to integrate successfully into the Swedish community.

Thesis (L.L.M.)--University of Waikato, 2007. / Title from PDF cover (viewed March 14, 2008) Includes bibliographical references (p. 151-166)

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006. / Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. "June 2006." AD-A451 305. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-100).

Begreppet counterinsurgency har fått stor uppmärksamhet efter 2001 och USA:s militäraengagemang i Afghanistan och Irak. USA har bedrivit ett gediget utvecklingsarbete sedan dess och en ny doktrin för just counterinsurgency presenterades 2006. Redan 1964 utkom fransmannen David Galula med en bok i ämnet. Det har alltså funnits teorier om counterinsurgency sedan dess. Sovjetunionens engagemang i Afghanistan under 1980-talet slutade med att den afghanska kommunistregimen kollapsade. Viljan att vinna konflikten borde ha funnits där och precis som USA har dragit erfarenheter, borde något ha gjorts för att försöka vinna konflikten även på 1980-talet. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka om de parter som försökte besegra den afghanska motståndsrörelsen gjorde det på ett sätt som kom att likna Galulas teorier om counterinsurgency. Konflikten har analyserats utifrån Galulas teori om upprorsbekämpning med både politiska och militära medel. Analysen har visat att Sovjetunionen och den afghanska kommunistregimen inte utvecklade sitt sättatt hantera konflikten i en riktning som motsvarade Galulas teorier. Den primära politiska orsaken var att regimen förlitade sig på förtryck för att försöka avskräcka motståndssympatier. Detta tillvägagångssätt ledde istället till ökat stöd för motståndsrörelsen. Militärt saknades medlen att befästa närvaro i nya områden där regimen kunde ha börjat utöva inflytande. I förlängningen innebardet att regimen saknade förmåga att bredda sin inflytandesfär. / The term counterinsurgency has received a lot of attention since 2001 and the U.S commitment in Afghanistan and Iraq. The U.S has conducted thorough developmental work since then and a new doctrine on counterinsurgency was presented in 2006. As early as 1964, the Frenchman David Galula issued a book on the subject, and there have existed theories on counterinsurgency ever since. The Soviet Union’s commitment in Afghanistan during the 1980s ended with the collapse of the Afghan communist regime. The will to win the conflict should have been present there, and in the same way that the U.S have capitalized on their experiences something ought to have been done to try to win the conflict during the 1980s. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the parties involved in the fight against the Afghan resistance acted in a way that resembles Galula’s theories on counterinsurgency. The conflict has been analyzed with Galulas theories on how to defeat an insurgency by both political and military means. The analysis has shown that the Soviet Union and the Afghan communist regime did not develop their way of handling the conflict in a way which is consistent with Galula’s theories. The primary political cause was that the regime put its trust in oppression in their attempts to discourage resistance sympathies. This approach resulted in an increase in support for the Afghan resistance rather than the support of the regime. Militarily, the lack of means to secure the regime’s political presence in new areas meant that the regime was unable to broaden its sphere of influence.

This study has a multicultural and intercultural orientation. The aim of the study is to investigate the thoughts and experiences of newly arrived Afghan pupils in encountering history and cultural heritage in Sweden. The study is therefore based on a student ́s perspective. Interviews used as a method that are of a qualitative nature. It is a type of group interview, called focus interviews. The method allows the participants ́ collective and shared thoughts, feelings and experiences to be expressed. The material of the essay consists of recorded interviews with two student groups, primary school students and high school students. The theoretical concepts that used are historical consciousness, use of history and historical culture. The result shows that it is not easy for youths to live according to the norms and values of the new society. Learning about the country ́s history and culture becomes possible by knowing the language. In the light of their experiences from their homeland they appreciate diversity and freedom of religion. For these young people history is an important and exciting subject, but it becomes more interesting if it is about their original country and history. During the study it became obvious that the pupils belong to the folk group of hazara. The older generation had a crucial role in their historical culture to tell their children about a unique history: discrimination, persecution and genocide of hazara people. The collective story is reinforced and communicated through the new generation. The history of the genocide that exists in the world of youths is very significant for the hazara people ́s identity and community. / Den föreliggande undersökningen har en mångkulturell och interkulturell inriktning. Syftet med studien är att undersöka nyanlända afghanska elevers tankar och upplevelser i mötet med historia och kulturarv i Sverige. Som metod används intervju som är av kvalitativ karaktär. Den typ av intervju som används kallas för fokusgruppsintervju. Metoden låter deltagarnas kollektiva och gemensamma tankar, känslor och erfarenheter att komma till uttryck. Uppsatsens material utgörs av inspelade intervjuer med två elevgrupper, grundskoleelever respektive gymnasieelever. Studiens teoretiska begrepp är Historiemedvetande, historiebruk och historiekultur. Av resultatet framgår det att det inte är lätt för ungdomarna att leva enligt det nya samhällets normer och värderingar. Att lära sig om landets historia och kultur blir möjligt genom att behärska språket. Mot bakgrunden av sina erfarenheter från hemlandet uppskattar de mångfalden och religionsfriheten. För ungdomarna är historia ett viktigt och spännande ämne men det blir mer intressant om det handlar om deras ursprungliga land och historia. Under undersökningen blev det tydligt att eleverna tillhör folkgruppen hazara. Den äldre generationen hade en avgörande roll i sin historiekultur att berätta för sina barn om en unik historia: diskriminering, förföljelse och folkmord mot hazarer. Den kollektiva berättelsen förstärks och förmedlas genom den nya generationen. Historien om folkmordet som existerar i ungdomarnas värld har stor relevans för hazarabefolkningens identitet och gemenskap.