Through this thesis, I aim to research about the obstacles that the current peace process in Afghanistan is facing. I also want to find out what sort of roles do the states such as USA, Russia, Pakistan and Iran have in the Afghan peace process. As Afghanistan has been a victim of war for the past three decades, this research might provide the opportunity for understanding the reasons behind the never-ending turmoil in the country. In order to conduct this research, I have used qualitative methods which consist of interviews and qualitative analysis. Besides these methods, the use of the international relations’ theories such as structural realism and interdependence liberalism have contributed tremendously in the understanding of the obstacles in the Afghan peace process including the roles of USA, Russia, Pakistan and Iran in the Afghan peace process. The conclusion of this research entails that the Afghan peace process is facing dire obstacles. These obstacles are divided into two categories; internal and external. This research’s conclusion also shows that the functions of the above-mentioned states in the Afghan peace process are solely based on their self-interests which by itself is another obstacle for the peace process. To conclude, if the obstacles, which are discussed in this study, continue to exist in the peace process it is impossible for the peace to prevail in Afghanistan.

Syftet med denna undersökning är att ta reda på hur tre afghanska pojkar upplevde en eventuell krock mellan det afghanska och det svenska skolsystemet. I den afghanska skolkulturen ingår inte reflektion och analyserande kan detta då bli ett hinder i den svenska skolan i ämnet historia? Frågeställningarna till undersökningen är: - På vilket sätt har eleverna under sin tid i Afghanistan tillgodogjort sig kunskap om historia? - Kan det finnas hinder i skolan för de nyanlända eleverna vad gäller den svenska historiedidaktiken när det kommer till förmedling av kunskap? - Upplever eleverna några svårigheter beträffande sättet undervisningen sker på i Sverige i ämnet historia, exempelvis när det gäller reflekterande frågor? Som metod i min undersökning utgår jag från Graounded Theory och kommer använda den som min analysmetod för mina tre intervjuer. Resultatet visar att problematiken för dessa tre afghanska pojkar i ämnet historia främst inte ligger i deras förmåga till reflektion utan snarare i deras inställning till ämnet historia. De har lärt sig en "sanning" om historia och möter nu en annan bild av ämnet historia.

My graduation thesis is engaged in vulnerable groups and human rights in Afghanistan. I defined women, children, handicapped and migrants as vulnerable groups. First of all I tried to describe contemporary situation and status of these vulnerable groups in Afghanistan. I tried to refer to all aspects of their vulnerability. In the next part I analyzed the roots of their vulnerability in detail. I concerned on environmental conditions, historic evolution, cultural background, economic development and development and stability of the state. In conclusion I tried to put forward a concept of solution, which should improve the situation of vulnerable groups and human rights in Afghanistan. The main actor of my analysis is a state, which from my point of view is the most important element of the development in Afghanistan. The important part of these questions is a collision of Western and Muslim culture or Afghan culture. This fact means a new very complicated dimension of vulnerable groups and human rights in Afghanistan.

This study arose from the desire to research the effectiveness of state building policies in Afghanistan. In order to address this topic, I review state building literature and find that state building literature focuses largely on the processes of democratization instead of institution building. In the second part of this dissertation I conduct a comparative case study of Afghanistan during the Soviet and Taliban eras to study the relationship between Pashtun `para-state' institutions (PSI's) and levels of political instability. I hypothesize that Pashtun PSI's compete with central state institutions for popular support thus increasing political instability and reducing state institutional effectiveness. I then conduct process-tracing to study hypothesized causal mechanisms that link Pashtun PSI's and political instability. I find that during the Soviet era, areas with Pashtun PSI's exhibited higher levels of political instability than areas without the presence of Pashtun PSI's. However, during the Taliban era, the results were negatively correlated and southern Afghanistan exhibited reduced levels of political instability. The causal mechanisms of `violence against the government' and `support to the local populace' were present in both cases although the introduction of the variables is different in both cases. This research is foundational in clarifying state building literature. Additionally, this study of Afghanistan moves academic literature towards establishing appropriate measures of effectiveness specific to institution building, which is imperative in assessing the success of future and past state building policies.

During the 2001 war in Afghanistan hundreds of people associated with the Taliban or al Qaeda were arrested by United States forces and transported to the Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The legal status and treatment of these detainees has been an ongoing problem over the last five years. The majority have been given no recourse to justice and allegations of inhuman treatment and torture have been frequent. The first issue raised by the incarceration of these people is whether any of them may be entitled to Prisoner of War status. The evidence shows that, in general, the Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters were not lawful combatants, and hence they are not entitled to Prisoner of War status. While the rights of Prisoners of War are well documented and generally uncontested, the rights of people not entitled to Prisoner of War status are not so easily definable. Despite classification as unlawful or unprivileged combatants, the detainees are not in legal limbo - they are still entitled to the benefit of certain fundamental human rights. There are applicable protections under the Fourth Geneva Convention, Additional Protocol I, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the United Nations Convention Against Torture. The main rights upheld by these documents are the right to liberty and freedom from arbitrary detention; the right to a fair trial; and the right to life. Furthermore, there is a requirement of humane treatment and an absolute prohibition on torture. Reports from international humanitarian watchdogs such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch suggest that the United States Government is not upholding the rights held by the detainees. It is essential that the United States Government recognises the fundamental rights owed to the detainees and ensures that they receive the requisite treatment and access to justice.

Within the framework of urban communication, this thesis attempts to "read" the urban space of West Kabul in Afghanistan, as a social and cultural text in order to understand the social exclusion of the Hazara people, a socially and politically disenfranchised ethnic group who predominantly inhabit that area. Based on data gathered through documentary research and non-participant field observations, this thesis argues that the urban space of West Kabul is the spatial manifestation of a systematic exclusionary process, through which, the Hazara people have been deprived from access to political, economic and cultural resources, services and opportunities. It interprets the city planning, distribution of resources, urbicide, streetscape, architecture and the body as the main sites where the social exclusion of the Hazaras in West Kabul is exercised. This study also provides a discussion about the historical evolution of West Kabul as an ethnic ghetto, as well as the various forms of conflict which led to spatial and social division in Kabul city.

Within the framework of urban communication, this thesis attempts to "read" the urban space of West Kabul in Afghanistan, as a social and cultural text in order to understand the social exclusion of the Hazara people, a socially and politically disenfranchised ethnic group who predominantly inhabit that area. Based on data gathered through documentary research and non-participant field observations, this thesis argues that the urban space of West Kabul is the spatial manifestation of a systematic exclusionary process, through which, the Hazara people have been deprived from access to political, economic and cultural resources, services and opportunities. It interprets the city planning, distribution of resources, urbicide, streetscape, architecture and the body as the main sites where the social exclusion of the Hazaras in West Kabul is exercised. This study also provides a discussion about the historical evolution of West Kabul as an ethnic ghetto, as well as the various forms of conflict which led to spatial and social division in Kabul city.

The purpose of the study is to expose how the US newspaper New York Times and the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter mediate the war in Afghanistan. Furthermore a comparison is done to map out possible differences and similarities. To fulfill the purpose of the study a critical discourse analysis has been used. The results have shown both differences and similarities between the newspapers. The main conclusions are tendencies of correspondence with previous research and theoretical base, such as the furtherance of elite sources, the promotion of the national political agenda and the national identity and an obvious construction of us and them.

Climate change is taking its toll on Afghanistan. Warming temperatures and decreasing precipitation levels over the last fifty years have led to innumerable weather anomalies causing droughts, floods, unseasonal precipitation, falling ground water tables, desertification, and loss of biodiversity. While it is projected that further change in climatic conditions will take place over the coming decades, the impacts of these environmental stresses on the living conditions and livelihoods of Afghans have already been significant and adverse. Among all population groups, rural communities in Afghanistan are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change due to their strong dependence on agriculture for living. This exploratory research used a qualitative methodology to investigate and document firsthand the vulnerability of the rural communities to climate change impacts in the context of food security in Afghanistan. To this end, three villages in Balkh, Herat, and Nangarhar provinces were studied for their exposure to climate change and the communities’ adaptive capacity to cope with and avert the climate-related stresses. Additional key informant interviews were conducted to learn about similar issues in other rural regions of the country. The study found that climate change has substantially contributed to increased food insecurity in the rural communities throughout Afghanistan over the last two decades and that the rural households are facing real challenges to generate income from agricultural activities while taking desperate measures to cope with and adapt to climatic conditions.

Master's thesis. / Format: PDF. Bibl.