Since China launched open door policy of economic reform in 1978, China has registering a sustained economic growth, which made it one of the worlds¡¦leading economies, also became the world's third biggest economy. Since late 1980s, China has not only became the world factory, with huge market, cheap labor force, and the main destination of foreign direct investments, but also became a world class political power whose influence is continuously growing in Asia and all over the world. China has also paid much attention to Africa region Since 1950s. China provided grant, interest-free loan, and low-interest loan to African nations at that time. After 1980s, in order to promote the share in common with Africa, China gradually took reform in foreign aid institutions and foreign aid management systems in various forms. After the end of the Cold-War, the foreign aid concept within western nations had put more focus on the development and cooperation. China was also deeply influenced by this trend; as a result, it led to the normalization of ¡§South-South Cooperation¡¨. In this research, the author analyses the development and strategies of China's Africa foreign aid policy, and tries to examine China's methods and objectives under the international political and economic new order. The result reveals that while China pursuing the political and economic interests through the foreign aid, it must be exchanged with African nations so that the internal and external of foreign aid project could move forward. The establishment of FOCAC in 2000 was a three year of frameworks and goals for Sino-Africa in relative cooperation areas. China published the ¡§China's Africa Policy¡¨ in January 2006, who also declared to establish a new strategic partnership relations with African nations. It was also a dollar diplomacy competing era between China and Taiwan since 1990s, and China tried to aid every African nation diplomatic ally in order to prevent other African nations from establishing relationships with Taiwan.

This study conducts a single descriptive analysis of China’s engagement in Angola and has the purpose of examining if there are any features of Neocolonialism in regards to China’s relationship with Angola from 2000-2017. In doing so, it was required to operationalize Neocolonialism into five main dimensions and use them as sorting tools. These dimensions included factors such as, political interference, economic influence, financial dependence, military appearances, and cultural/educational reinforcement. The material that have been used in this study are academic journals, NGO reports, Chinese ministry press releases, policy papers and various types of  other political documents concerning the two countries in question. The end result based on the established theoretical framework indicate that there are some features of neocolonial tendencies mostly within the economic and financial field of area and that the intensity of these are recognized as being extensive. However, the overall presence of Neocolonialism in Angola is considered being low as China’s presence in Angola mainly includes two neocolonial dimensions. Yet, China and Angola’s relationship can today best be understood as being of mutual benefit.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study aimed to look at non-interference as a doctrine in China’s Africa Policy. This involved looking at the non-interference principle in general, not only in Beijing’s policies. The non-interference principle as contained in the policies of the African Union, United Nations and in the policies of Western and Asian states were discussed, noting a gradual shift away from strict non-interference towards non-indifference and humanitarian intervention. Beijing’s orthodox understanding of non-interference, on the other hand, is based on respect for the sovereignty of other states and a belief that, unless requested, no state should interfere in the domestic affairs of another state. The doctrine of non-interference, as understood by Beijing was then applied to the crisis in Darfur. In the case of Darfur, Beijing initially adhered to its understanding of non-interference, in spite of criticism that its behaviour was based solely on China’s own interests. China initially ignored international expectations to intervene in the affairs of Khartoum. In fact, Beijing continued to support Khartoum and abstained from UN Security Council resolutions on the matter. Initially the government in Beijing was not willing to make any adjustments to the non-interference doctrine, as the situation in Darfur did not seem to present any reason for Beijing to disregard its own policies. Yet Beijing gradually shifted in non-interference; seen in its pressure on Khartoum to allow the AU/UN hybrid peacekeeping force. The reasons for the shift are ascribed to various factors ranging from international pressure and even the possible reputational risk. China managed to balance its economic and political interests in Sudan with its duties and expectations of the Security Council. At the same time, Beijing continued to protect the sovereignty of the Khartoum government by adhering to its beliefs of the right of the state. The subtle shift away from Beijing’s orthodox understanding of non-interference can be seen as China changing its non-interference doctrine to suit its new role in the international community. It can also be seen as China still adhering to the non-interference doctrine, as it places emphasis on avoiding sanctions and still requires permission from the host state for external intervention. Another key element is that it adapted when its interests were at risk. It would seem probable that this trend will continue, resulting rather in Beijing implementing a form of ‘pro-active non-interference’ based on the situation. Such a position would indicate a shift in the doctrine of non-interference based on the situation and pressure, but according to certain core values of Beijing. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die navorser het ondersoek ingestel na die nietussenkomsleerstelling soos dit in China se Afrika-beleid vervat word. Die nietussenkomsbeginsel soos geformuleer in die beleidsdokumente van die Afrika-unie (AU), Verenigde Nasies (VN), en in die beleidsdokumente van die Westerse en Oosterse state is ook ondersoek. Die wegbeweging van die streng toepassing van die nietussenkomsleerstelling na ’n beleid van onverskilligheid en tussenkoms wat gebaseer is op die beskerming van menseregte was ’n geleidelike proses. Beijing se konvensionele begrip van hierdie beginsel was volgehou met die verstand dat soewereiiteit van ander state gerespekteer moet word en state nie moet inmeng by die interne sake van ander state nie, behalwe wanneer dit versoek word. Die klem word in beleidsdokumente eerder gelê op respek, gelykheid, samewerking en wedersydse voordeel. Die nietussenkomsleerstelling soos dit verstaan word deur Beijing word ondersoek aan die hand van die Dafoer-krisis. Dit toon Beijing het aanvanklik volgehou met die toepassing van die nietussenkomsleerstelling in China se buitelandsse beleid en optrede, ten spyte van die aantuigings dat hierdie gedrag slegs ter wille van eie belang is. Beijing het haar aanvanklik nie aan die internasionale gemeenskap se verwagting om in te gryp by die sake van Khartoum gesteur nie; China het aangehou om Khartoum te ondersteun en van die VN-veiligheidsraad te weerhou rakende hierdie kwessie. Beijing se optrede teenoor Khartoum het met tyd verander. Sjinese verteenwoordigers het druk op Khartoum begin plaas in 2006 om AU/VN-magte in Darfoer toe te laat. Verskeie redes kan aangevoer word hoekom Beijing uiteindelik haar beleid aangepas het. Van hierdie redes sluit in internasionale druk en die moontlikheid vir China om nie meer as gasheerland vir die Olimpiese Spele in 2008 op te tree nie. Dit kom voor of China daarin geslaag het om die land se ekonomiese en politiese belange in Soedan te balanseer met die verwagtinge wat ander lande van China as ’n permanente VN-lid gehad het. Beijing het gepoog om in so ’n mate in te gryp dat Khartoum se soewereiniteit steeds gerespekteer word. Aan die hand van hierdie subtiele veranderinge in China se beleid en optrede, kan die afleiding gemaak word dat Beijing nie die nietussenkomsleerstelling streng toegepas het nie, maar na die Darfoer-krisis eerder neig na ’n proaktiewe toepassing van die nietuseenkomsleerstelling. Byvoorbeeld, Beijing keur steeds nie die instelling van sanksies goed nie en vereis dat soewereinitiet van state gerespekteer word. Dit blyk dat China die buitelandse beleid aangepas het om steeds die land se belange te beskerm en om te voldoen aan die internasionale vereistes. Hierdie meer proaktiewe optrede blyk om net in sekere gevalle toegepas te word. Daar word bevind dat daar ’n aanpassing van die is met betrekking tot die oorspronklike posisie van die nietussenkomsleerstelling. Beijing sal egter voortgaan om getrou te wees aan aspekte van die oorspronklike leerstelling.

The thesis contributes to the policy transfer literature through the examination of narratives presented by policy actors engaged in policy transfer. The actors’ policy narratives are analysed through the application of the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF). With the use of the NPF, the research investigates the portrayal of narrative elements, including, setting, character, plot, and moral, by the transfer actors, in depicting their perception of the transfer process and object, and of the other actors involved in the policy transfer. The investigation is aimed at having a better understanding of factors that facilitate the occurrence of policy transfer i.e. transfer mechanisms, such as, conditionality, obligation, and persuasion, and how they manifest and drive the transfer process. To examine how policy narratives may inform the manifestation of transfer mechanisms, the research studies two cases of policy transfer involving international governmental organisations (IGOs) as transfer agents. These are i) the transfer of renewable energy policy by the European Union to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and ii) the transfer of disaster risk reduction (DRR) policy by the United Nations International Strategy for DRR (UNISDR) to ECOWAS. The thesis argues that the mechanisms of conditionality and persuasion were involved in the transfer of renewable energy policy, while the mechanism of obligation can be observed in the transfer of DRR policy. It further argues that the portrayals of the narrative setting, character, plot and moral, in the policy narratives of the transfer agents and recipient, shaped the manifestation of these transfer mechanisms. The application of the NPF to the two case studies enabled the identification and association of different policy narrative elements that will likely characterise specific transfer mechanisms. In addition, the study highlights the opportunity of broadening policy transfer research beyond a limited geographical reach, through covering two instances of policy transfer to a region in sub-Sahara Africa. It also broadens the group of actors that are often studied in the literature by considering policy transfers initiated and led by IGOs.

La présente thèse analyse la cohérence de la politique nord-africaine de la France sous la IVe République (1946-1958). Se focalisant sur la politique d’intégration en Algérie, l’auteur prend aussi en considération les imbrications entre la question algérienne et la politique de coopération au Maroc et en Tunisie ainsi qu’avec la crise de Suez en 1956. D’un côté, il s’agit de comparer les ambitions de la France au Maghreb avec l’engagement politique et économique concret. De l’autre, l’auteur analyse le bienfondé des exigences officielles face aux données régionales, nationales et internationales. L’étude examine si, en France comme en Afrique du Nord, il y a eu une motivation suffisamment grande pour accepter les conséquences multiples de la politique poursuivie et si des alternatives crédibles ont été proposées dans le débat contemporain. Globalement, l’auteur cherche à savoir comment la présumée détermination de la IVe République à défendre l’Algérie française, quoi qu’il en coûte, s’est transformée sous la Ve République en un calcul comptable des coûts qui, finalement, mène à l’indépendance de l’Algérie en 1962. / The present thesis examines the coherence of France’s North Africa policy during the Fourth Republic (1946-1958). The author focuses on the economic dimension of the so called “integration policy” in Algeria. Furthermore, its impacts on the French relations with Morocco and Tunisia as well as on the Suez Crisis in 1956 are being analyzed. On the one hand, the study compares France’s ambitious goals in the region with its actual political and economic commitment. On the other hand, it investigates the plausibility of these goals against the background of the local, national and international situation. The author verifies if politicians and citizens were willing to accept the multiple consequences of France’s political ambitions and if realistic alternatives were proposed in the discussion at that time. Moreover, the thesis offers an explanation why the presumed great determination of the Fourth Republic to keep French Algeria whatever the cost finally turned into a sober cost-benefit analysis in the Fifth Republic which led to Algerian independence in 1962. / Die vorliegende Dissertation untersucht die Kohärenz der französischen Nordafrikapolitik in der IV. Republik (1946-1958). Der Fokus liegt auf der sogenannten Integrationspolitik in Algerien. Ferner werden deren Einflüsse auf die französischen Beziehungen mit Marokko und Tunesien und auf die Suezkrise 1956 analysiert. Dabei geht es zum einen darum, die weitreichenden Ansprüche Frankreichs in der Region dem tatsächlichen politischen und ökonomischen Engagement gegen- überzustellen. Zum anderen wird die Plausibilität der offiziellen Ambitionen vor dem Hintergrund der regionalen, nationalen und internationalen Rahmenbedingungen überprüft. Damit verbunden sind die Fragen nach der Bereitschaft in Politik und Gesellschaft, die vielfältigen Konsequenzen der Nordafrikapolitik zu tragen, und nach alternativen Handlungsoptionen zu den getroffenen Ent- scheidungen. Darüber hinaus erforscht die Studie, wie aus der von großer Entschlossenheit geprägten Maxime der IV. Republik, Französisch-Algerien um jeden Preis zu verteidigen, in der V. Republik eine dem Anschein nach nüchterne Abwägung von Kosten und Nutzen zugunsten der algerischen Unabhängigkeit im Jahr 1962 werden konnte.

¡@With the change of economic globalization, the national security is no longer just the traditional nation defense or military security. Economic, political, diplomatic, technological, cultural, environmental and other fields related to national development are gradually considered into the scope of national security. Among, Economic security is the core of national security now. The protection of economic security concern about nation development, such as nation defense, diplomacy, and the standard of people¡¦s living. Not only every department in nation is interdependent with each other, but also any economy can't live alone. Economic development has closely relationship with the use of energy. No matter developed countries or developing countries, their reliance various energy are increasing (especially oil); however, because of the limited resource endowment, the energy competition is one of leading to the tense international relations. ¡@The distribution of oil is uneven. Middle East has more than half of the crude oil reserve, and the top ten largest oil reserve countries hold the 80% of the world¡¦s total reserve. But, the most two oil consumption region, North America and Asia Pacific, only own 8.7% oil reserve. United States and China are the largest oil consumption countries, while United States oil dependency is above 60%, and almost 60% of China¡¦s oil demand need to import from other countries. In order to sustain economic development (need enough oil energy), the imbalance of demand and supply let China and other oil-consuming countries have to negotiate with the oil-producing region - Middle East, Central and South America, and Africa. Africa is one of China¡¦s oil import region. China strengthen Sino-Africa relation through leader conference, high-level visits, Forum on China - Africa Cooperation, China¡¦s oil company¡¦s energy investment in Africa, economic aid, infrastructure and other diplomatic measures. The comprehensive cooperation contributes China to get Africa's oil resources.