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South African trade unionism in an era of racial exclusionLever, Jeffrey Thomas 11 1900 (has links)
This thesis is an examination of the main tendencies in the trade
union movement in South Africa during the currency of the
Industrial Cenci 1 iation Act from 1924 to 1979, and of state
labour policy of direct relevance to worker organisation. It
considers in particular the reasons for the predominance of
protectionist strategies, frequently amounting to racial
monopolies and exclusion, among the unions catering for white
artisan and production workers. Attention is given to the
deployment of legislative and other policy instruments by the
South African state intent on providing support for the
prevailing protectionist demands and the exclusionary stance of
large sections of the trade union movement. In analysing these
developments, reference is made to the history of the trade union
federations reflecting the divergent interests of different
sections of the South African labour movement during this period.
The evolution of trade unions for the workers occupying a
subordinate role in the South African "racial order" is also
traced. Consideration is given to the barriers to the full
development of such trade unions, and to the incipient decline
of the era of racial exclusion which the 1970s witnessed. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)
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A history of Grahamstown, 1918-1945Torlesse, Ann Catherine Marjorie January 1993 (has links)
This study in local history describes socio-economic developments in Grahamstown between 1918 - 1945, and analyses the extent to which these developments mirrored trends in the macrocosm. During these years the city failed to become ndustrialised, but enhanced her reputation as an eminent educational centre. Despite being financially handicapped, the City Council undertook large public works schemes for the provision of essential services, such as electricity and an adequate supply of water. In addition a water-borne sewerage scheme was introduced, and roads were repaired and tarred. The influx of a large number of poor rural Blacks into the urban area placed a considerable strain on the city's health services, and housing projects had to be implemented. Local political affiliations and race relations are examined against the background of national developments, especially the growing entrenchment by the State of the policy of segregation. Attention is also devoted to the impact upon the community of international political crises. The cultural and sporting pursuits, as well as the entertainments enjoyed by Grahamstonians, are investigated; and a picture of the local "mentalite" is presented.
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Die Ndzundza-Ndebele en die blankes in Transvaal, 1845-1883Van Jaarsveld, Floris Albertus, 1922-1995 January 1986 (has links)
In 1969 het Leonard Thompson met reg beweer dat Suid-Afrikaanse historici hulle tot op hede hoofsaaklik besig gehou het met die doen en late van 'n Blanke gemeenskap wat die land sedert 1652 oorheers het. Die Swartman was die "forgotten factor" in die geskiedenis van Suider-Afrika. Waar die Swartman die onderwerp van wetenskaplike studie was, is dit aan argeoloë, linguiste, etnoloë en fisiese en sosiale antropoloë oorgelaat. Tereg het Thompson kort hierna opgemerk: "We need to know much more about the complex process by which African chiefdoms became incorporated in white controlled politics in the late nineteenth century. Only when monographs have been written on several individual cases, shall we be in a position to reach definite conclusions about the process as a whole ". Sedert hierdie uitspraak van Thompson het verskeie historici hulle op die terrein van die "forgotten factor" begewe. Omvangryke publikasies oor onder andere die Zulu, Pedi, Sotho asook die Swazi's het sedertdien die lig gesien, terwyl 'n werk oor die Tswana van Wes-Transvaal pas verskyn het. Hierteenoor het heelwat van die kleiner en minder invloedryke swart groeperinge tot op hede steeds agterweë gebly. Wat Noordoos Transvaal betref - meer spesifiek die gebied tussen die Elandsrivier, die Lebomboberg en die Krokodilrivier wat die Ohrigstadse Volksraad in 1846 van Mswati gekoop het, was daar behalwe die Pedi verskeie ander groepe aanwesig wat almal gedurende die loop van die negentiende eeu onder Blanke gesag gekom het. Hieronder het getel die Ndzundza, die Kopa, Tau, Kwena, Ntwane, Koni, Rôka, Kutswe , Pai en Pulana, waarvan die Ndzundza en Kopa die belangrikste was. Ten spyte van die feit dat daar heelwat argivale bronne oor hierdie groepe bestaan, het geen navorser dit tot op hede nog ontgin nie. Oor die onderwerping van hierdie stamme aan Blanke gesag gedurende die negentiende eeu, is daar weinig bekend. Wat die Ndzundza-geskiedenis betref, geld Thompson se opmerking nog steeds dat historici wetenskaplike studie oor die Swartes tradisioneel aan navorsers uit ander dissiplines oorgelaat het. Dit blyk duidelik uit 'n ontleding van sekondêre materiaal wat oor die Ndzundza bestaan. Verskeie studies van volkekundige aard is oor die verskillende kulturele fasette en pre-koloniale geskiedenis van die Transvaalse Ndebele, waarvan die Ndzundza deel uitmaak, gedoen. In die meeste van hierdie studies word die pre-Blanke geskiedenis van die Ndzundza as inleiding aangebied, terwyl daar in sommige gevalle ook na die historiese tydperk verwys word. Op hierdie wyse is die herkomsgeskiedenis van die Ndzundza met behulp van mondelinge tradisies redelik volledig opgeteken. As gevolg van die feit dat geen argivale bronne geraadpleeg is nie, is die volkekundige werke wat die historiese tydperk betref, deurspek met spekulasies, onjuisthede en valse aannames. Met enkele uitsonderings berus verwysings deur die enkele historici wat die Ndzundza-geskiedenis behandel, veral met betrekking tot die tydperk voor 1882, grootliks op die uitsprake van volkekundiges. Dit het meegebring dat die huidige beeld en feitelikhede omtrent die negentiende eeuse Ndzundza-geskiedenis onjuis is, veral soos dit in algemene geskiedenisse opgeteken staan. Hierteenoor het verskeie historici die Mapoch-oorlog van 1882- 1883, waartydens die Ndzundza hul onafhanklikheid verloor het, behandel. In sy biografie oor genl P. J. Joubert het J. A. Mouton die oorlog tot 'n enkele hoofstuk beperk. Vir Mouton gaan dit egter om Joubert se persoonlike aandeel en gee hy gevolglik nie veel aandag aan die belangrikste aspek van die oorlog, naamlik die oorsake, nie. H. P. van Coller het in 1941 'n MA-verhandeling die lig laat sien waarin die oorsake en verloop van die Mapoch-oorlog beskryf word. Van Coller se uiteensetting omtrent die oorsake van die oorlog is egter ontoereikend aangesien dit heelwat onjuisthede bevat, geweldig subjektief is en nie ontkom aan naïewe aannames en uitsprake nie. Die belangrikste oorsaak van die oorlog, naamlik gronddispute, word deur Van Coller geignoreer. Voorts behandel hy die oorlog as 'n gevolg van die moord op Sekhukhune, sodat die Ndzundza "toevallig" betrek word. Ander historici se verwysings na die oorlog is ook ontoereikend omdat dit in die meeste gevalle beperk bly tot enkele bladsye en paragrawe. Tot op hede is die negentiende eeuse Ndzundza-geskiedenis dus nog of onvolledig, of onjuis opgeteken. Met hierdie studie word gepoog om 'n bydrae in hierdie verband te maak. Omdat die historisiese feite omtrent die verloop van die 1882-1883 oorlog grootliks bekend is, val die klem op die tydperk daarvóór. Voorts moet dit gemeld word dat dit in hierdie studie hoofsaaklik gaan om die faktore wat die verhoudinge tussen die Ndzundza en die Blankes bepaal het, te elimineer. Ander aspekte wat ter sprake kom is onder andere die uitwerking wat die Blanke besetting van Noordoos-Transvaal op die Ndzundza gehad het, gronddispute, arbeidsaangeleenthede, Swazi- en die Pedi-deelname in die Blankes se pogings om die Ndzundza te onderwerp van die asook die uiteindelike vernietiging en verlies onafhanklikheid van die Ndzundza. Die spelwyse van sekere name en benaminge wat in hierdie verhandeling voorkom, het in sommige gevalle probleme opgelewer. Die meerderheid Ndebele name is gespel volgens die voorskrifte van die Suid-Ndebele taalraad. Waar die korrekte moderne spelling van Swartes se name nie vasgestel kon word nie, is dit in aanhalingstekens weergegee soos dit in die dokument voorkom. AIle amptelike benamings soos staatspresident of koloniale sekretaris is in die teks met 'n kleinlettertjie gespel maar in die voetnotas met 'n hoofletter. Die motivering hiervoor is die Afrikaanse gebruik om amptelike benamings binne Westerse staatsverband met 'n hoofletter te spel maar benamings in tradisionele verband soos kaptein, opperhoof of hoofman met 'n kleinlettertjie, wat myns insiens op diskriminasie neerkom. Wat die spel van die woord swart betref: Waar dit as byvoeglike naamwoord gebruik word (bv. swart kindertjies), is deurgaans van kleinletters gebruik gemaak. Hoofletters is gebruik wanneer dit as selfstandige naamwoord gebruik word, bv. Die Swartes. Die terme kaffer en meid is waar moontlik, vermy. Die aangehaalde stukke waarin dit weI voorkom, moet nie as beledigend beskou word nie maar as verteenwoordigend van die terminolgoie van 'n bepaalde tyd in die geskiedenis. Die bedoeling was geensins om enigiemand te na te kom nie. wat ter sprake kom.
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Die rol van Brittanje in die ontbinding van die Sentraal-Afrika Federasie, 1960-1963Van Eeden, Marguerite 26 March 2014 (has links)
M.A. (History) / The purpose of this thesis Is to determine the role the British Government played In the events which led to the dismantling of the Central Africa Federation in 1963. After the dismantling, historians and other Interest-groups debated the question why the Central Africa Federation had failed. The whites In Rhodesia were convinced that the British government were responsible for the break-up. Britain was accused of yielding to black radical demands. These demands led to the Independence of both Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia, and they were allowed to secede from the Federation. Britain was also accused of having deliberately broken Its promises to the federal government. The federal government ultimately expected dominium Status for the Federation. Britain's policy of decolonlsatlon was also criticized by the whites and the colonial government was accused of deliberately following a policy of dismantlement. There were however other factors involved in the break-up of the Federation. The climate of decolonlsation and the growing number of Independent Africa states Influenced events In the Federation. The rise of African nationalism, liberation movements and pressure by black militant parties and leaders, brought about 8 withdrawal of colonial powers from Africa. Independent black states became a reality. Blacks In the Central African Federation soon followed this pattern. The partnership polley, on which the Federation was based, failed and blacks became Increasingly unsatisfied. Blacks did not have equal political rights and most of the blacks were excluded from the political structures. The Federation and partnership policy were seen as synonymous with racial discrimination and black national leaders started pressurislng Britain Into dissolving the Federation. The rise of black nationalism In the Federation resulted In fear for black domination on the part of the whites. A Federation where two out of three areas were dominated by blacks, was unacceptable to them. Therefore also white pressure for the dismantling of the Federation started to emerge. Britain's colonial policy in the crucial years, 1960-1963, Is examined as well as its strategies in dealing with a complex issue. Pressure by blacks as well as whites are taken into account In this study, to determine its influence on British actions that ultimately led to the break-up of the Federation.
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Beoordelingskriteria vir effektiewe diadiese loopbaanvoorligtingPrinsloo, Adele Simone 31 July 2014 (has links)
M.A. (Psychology) / The thesis was introduced by a description of the historical development of career counselling in South Africa, which indicated that the first traces of career counselling services were present at early times. The description also stressed the importance of career counselling especially during times of work shortage. Present day living costs and shortage of work emphasize the need for effective career counselling to ensure suitable career choices. Currently students are trained In career counselling and evaluated by supervisors without the existence of recognised and tested criteria. To ensure a higher standard of training and practice the implementation of such criteria is of utmost importance in the current developmental phase of career counselling in South Africa. The research aim of this study is the development and evaluation of criteria for effective diadic career counselling. The criteria were specifically designed for students in training and they should form part of the career counselling curriculum. In order to achieve the aim of the study, an integrated theoretical developmental research model was used. The model mainly consists of Thomas's (1984) four-phase model which features analysis, design, development and evaluation phases. Each of the phases contains a number of material conditions as well as methodologies through which these conditions can be met. In the first phase an analysis of the problem was undertaken, the status of existing criteria was investigated and a feasibility study was undertaken. It was then decided to proceed with the design phase. In this phase the following material conditions were met aims and objectives were formulated for the criteria, a practice model was drawn up, a tentative presentation was made of the innovation suggestions, and the innovation procedures were determined.
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Die radikale geskiedskrywing oor Suid-Afrika : 'n historiografiese studieVerhoef, Grietjie 01 September 2015 (has links)
M.A. / Marxist historiography started during the late sixties and early seventies in response to the so-called "crisis" in the social sciences. The inability of these sciences to explain prolonged poverty and backwardness in areas of capitalist development and dependency in areas in close connection with the capitalist core, directed social scientists towards Marxist explanations. The conventional explanation of the implacability of capitalist development with racial stratification no longer rendered any explanation of Third World circumstances, since, especially in the South African case, the economy maintained high growth rates in spite of and under circumstances of sustained and intensified racial differentiation...
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The historical productions of Cecil John Rhodes in 20th century Cape TownMdudumane, Khayalethu January 2005 (has links)
Magister Artium - MA / This thesis analysed the historical productions of Rhodes in 20th century Cape Town. The critique of this study was that Cape Town embodies the history of imperialism in maintaining the memory of Rhodes. The thesis examined the following sites: Rhodes Cottage Museum, Rhodes Groote Schuur minor house, Rhodes Memorial and two statues, one in the Company Gardens at Cape Town and the other at the University of Cape Town. / South Africa
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Cecil Rhodes, the Glen Grey Act, and the labour question in the politics of the Cape ColonyThompson, Richard James January 1991 (has links)
Chapter One: The provisions of the Glen Grey Act of 1894 are summarised. The memoirs of contemporaries are discussed and the historical literature on the Act from 1913 to the present is surveyed. The likelihood of the land tenure provisions of the Act forcing the people of Glen Grey (or the people of other districts that came under the operation of the Act) to seek employment is noted. It is evident that there is an increasing emphasis in the literature on labour concerns rather than on the disenfranchising effects and local government provisions of the Act. It is often assumed that the labour force generated by the Act was meant for the Transvaal gold mines. Chapter Two: The relevance of the labour needs of the Indwe collieries is investigated. These mines lay adjacent to Glen Grey and might have been expected to draw their labour thence if the Act had been effective. Rhodes, the author of the Act and prime minister of the Cape, had bought shares in the collieries for De Beers shortly before the Act was passed, which made a possible connection more intriguing. No causal link between De Beers' interests and the Act could be demonstrated; nor do the collieries seem to have employed many people from Glen Grey. Chapter Three: Examines the Cape colonists' complaints about shortage of labour from 1807 to the eve of the Glen Grey Act, and investigates various official measures to promote the labour supply. The Glen Grey Act was not the first labour measure passed at the Cape, and it seems likely, therefore, that the labour needs of the Cape, rather than the Transvaal, were uppermost in the minds of those responsible for the Act. Chapter Four examines Rhodes's political position in the 1890s and shows him to be increasingly dependent on the parliamentary support of the Afrikaner Bond to stay in office. Since the Bond was an agricultural interest group it seems likely that labour for Cape farms, rather than Transvaal gold mines, was what the Act was supposed to provide. With that Rhodes could readily agree, since he wanted to promote the agricultural development of the Cape. However, the Bond wanted to be able to buy land in Glen Grey (and other district in which the Act was proclaimed). Rhodes wanted to keep such districts as 'reservoirs of labour' so he could not give the Bond all of what they wanted, i.e. Glen Grey titles to be alienable. His manoeuvring to keep the Bond supporting the Bill while not making the land readily salable is described. (In the end the land was alienable with the consent of the government -- consent that a Rhodes ministry would not give, but that another might.) Rhodes's desire to obtain the administration of Bechuanaland for his Chartered Company, and his need therefore to reassure the Colonial Office and humanitarian opinion that he could be trusted to rule over blacks, are pointed out as other possible motivations for the Act, which Rhodes tried hard to present as an enlightened piece of legislation. The course of the Act through the Cape parliament, and the opposition of Cape liberals to the Act, is described. Chapter Five: The mentalité of the Cape colonists as regards race, liquor, land tenure and other political issues is described. Chapter Six: The reaction to the Act of Cape blacks and sympathetic whites, British humanitarians and the Colonial Office is described. The contemporary concern with reserving land for blacks is noted, as well as concern over the morality of economically coerced labour. This is in contrast to the modern concentration on labour almost to the exclusion of other issues in regard to the Glen Grey Act. The unsuccessful efforts of Cape blacks and British humanitarians to have the imperial government veto the Act are described. Rhodes's influence over the Colonial Office is described.
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Genadendal and its satellites : a history of the Moravian Mission stations at the Cape, 1737-1869Krüger, Bernhard January 1966 (has links)
J,F.w. Kühn, a member of the Moravian Mission Board, wrote in 1871 to the Superintendent at Genadendal that the closed settlements in South Africa were a precious and unique feature of mission work for which the brethren should be grateful. While he had been at the Gape, he had suffered under the difficulties of their management, but from the distance, and in comparison with mission work elsewhere, he had learnt to appreciate them as a great blessing. The questions arise: How dld they originate, develop and survive for so long? What were their characteristics, advantages and limitations? What factors contributed to their development? How did they fit into their milieu and influence it? The following thesis is an effort to give a detailed history of their development and an appraisal. I have endeavoured to give a vivid picture of personalities and events within the limits of historical correctness, because I consider it the noblest aim of historical research to confront us with the past in such a way that personal understanding becomes possible. In as much as we meet those who have made history. or have been part of it, in person, we can arrive at a deeper appreciation of their achievements, problems and failures.
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An historical survey of the Bethelsdorp station of the London Missionary Society, from its inception, and until the death of Doctor van der Kemp, in 1811Briggs, D Roy January 1952 (has links)
In South Africa the small town or hamlet, nestling - as is so often the case - at the foot of a mountain, frequently proclaims its identity to the traveller by inscribing its name in great, white-washed letters of stone upon the side of the hill. If this were the case with Bethelsdorp, the temptation would be to write on those bare, rocky hills, that form the back-drop for the drama a century and a half have seen on its stage, the one word, "Ichabod." For the glory has departed. And some would even question whether any of its days had been glorious. Around this small outpost of Christendom have centred, from its earliest beginnings, both praise and contumely. It is the purpose of this investigation to attempt to judge between these opinions, in an attempt to arrive at the truth, by a survey of the years Bethelsdorp enjoyed under the direction of Johannes Theodorus van der Kemp. He has had many critics, many protagonists: perhaps of no other man in the short history of this land has there been such diversity of opinion. Before the judgments of historians and biographers can be assessed, however, the facts of his work must be appreciated, and the effort towards understanding must be preceded by a brief description of the circumstances antecedent to the foundation of that station, which marked the summt of his life and work.
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