AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie was hoofsaaklik om 'n volledige opname te maak van alle fases van die gemeenskaslewe in die verafgeleë en geïsoleerde distrik van Namakwaland. Gegewens oor die gemeenskap is sover moontlik kwantitatief ingesamel en dit is aangevul deur objektiewe waarnemings en ondervindinge van die skrywer en van ou inwoners in die distrik wat geod bekend is met die Namakwalandse samelewing. Dit is deurgaans gevind dat die gebore Namakwalander 'n besonder goeie verteller is, veral as hy toegelaat word om oor homself en sy eie moeilikhede en lewensgebruike te gesels. Deur hierdie vertellinge kon waardevolle data saamgestel word. Die vernaamste bron waaruit gegewens oor die samelewing verkry is, was die familie in die gemeenskap self en besonderhede oor die familielewe is ingesamel deur middel van 'n opmetingskedule. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Not available

Thesis (PhD) -- Stellenbosch University, 1990. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The development of Mossel Bay was subject to the opening of passes accross the two mountain ranges between the coast and the interior of the country. As the harbour gradually became more accessible to its hinterland, the Karoo, imports and exports increased. The granting of municipal status in 1852 precipitated a period of growth and by 1871, the town even had its own newspaper. Until the mid eighties, Mossel Bay was an arid town with little vegetation and scarcely enough water for domestic use. The serious shortage of water hindered the inhabitants in almost every way. With the completion of a water scheme in 1886 whereby water was received from the Outeniqua mountains, not only was the town embellished by the planting of trees but the drains could be cleaned and the fires successfully extinguished. The Town Council had to deal with squatters, roaming dogs and other stray animals. The general hygienic conditions left much to be desired. The drains were dirty, sanitation poor, dumping sites unfavourably situated and until 1891, animals were slaughtered in town. Typhus and Bubonic Plague broke out in the late nineties. The town had its own doctor and pharmacist, while a dentist made sporadic visits. A Cottage Hospital was established. The crime rate was low and the judge of the Circuit Court often had no criminal cases to hear. Commercially a market was established and an unusually high number of wholesalers began trading in the bay. Three large hotels accommodated the many visitors. Travelling ph.o tographers visited regularly and at one stage Mossel Bay even had its own resident photographer. The Mossel Bay Advertiser made an important contribution in influencing public opinion and in participating in the struggle for obtaining a rail link. This struggle was the major issue of the time. The link was frequently promised but it was only the last assurance in 1895 that was ultimately honoured. Major development took place in Shipping: Steam cranes and steam tugs were acquired and large oceanliners called, first fortnightly and then weekly. In so doing, regular contact was established with England. However the Coode Report found that the bay was becoming shallower and for this reason harbour development was rejected. Immense dissatisfaction prevailed after steam ships began calling in on Sundays, thereby forcing the inhabitants to work on the Sabbath. With the completion of the railway lines linking Port Elizabeth and Cape Town to the diamond fields, these ports gradually took over the trade generated by the Karoo. The services of the steamship companies were curtailed in the nineties resulting in diminished trade. At the end of the decade, it was announced that the harbour would receive a new breakwater and wharf. The number of shipwrecks were relatively small in comparison with other places. After the completion of the Kleinbosch Water Scheme in 1886, the town was marketed as a watering place and health resort. Many holiday makers flocked to the bay to swim in the natural bathing place at the Point. Farmers from the interior began to camp near the beach at Diepkloof. After the introduction of a halfday holiday on Saturdays, sporting activities became popular and sports clubs were established. Societies enabled participants to spend their leisure time in a constructive manner. The contribution of the church was large. A few ministers held their posts for lengthy periods and left their stamp on the community. Education was characterised by the struggle between the state supported schools and those run by the church. Although small, the schools produced outstanding students. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Mosselbaai was aanvanklik moeilik van sy natuurlike hinterland, die Karoo, bereikbaar aangesien dit deur twee bergreekse van die binneland geskei word. Met die oopstelling van passe het die hawe algaande meer toeganklik geword en het die nedersetting, soos die in- en uitvoer toegeneem het, gegroei. Die Munisipaliteit is in 1852 gestig en daarna het die dorp in so 'n mate ontwikkel dat dit in 1871 'n koerant gehad het. Mosselbaai was tot in die middel tagtigerjare 'n droe, boomlose dorpie met skaars genoeg water vir huishoudelike gebruik. Die ernstige gebrek aan water het stremmend op bykans elke gebied ingewerk. Nadat water in 1886 van die Outeniekwaberge aangel~ is, kon die dorp nie slags verfraai word nie, maar kon afvoerslote gewas en brande met sukses geblus word. Die Dorpsraad het te kampe gehad met plakkers, loslopende diere. Die algemene higiene het veel rondloperhonde en ander te wense gelaat. Die afvoerslote was vuil, sanit~re geriewe swak, stortingsterreine ongunstig gelee en daar is tot in 1891 midde-in die dorp geslag. Tifus en builepes het in die negentigerjare uitgebreek. Die dorp het oor 'n geneesheer en apteker beskik en tandartse het sporadies op besoek gekom. 'n ·"cottage Hospital" is gestig. Die misdaadsyfer was laag en die regter van die Rondgaande Hof het dikwels geen strafsake gehad om te verhoor nie. Op sakegebied was daar 'n mark, 'n ongewoon hoe aantal groothandelaars en verskeie ander sakeondernemings. Drie groot hotelle het huisvesting aan besoekers verskaf. Reisende fotograwe het die dorp gereeld besoek en 'n dekade lank was daar ook 'n residensiele fotograaf. Die Mossel Bay Advertiser het 'n belangrike bydrae gelewer deur die openbare mening te be1nvloed. Die blad het eweneens 'n groot rol gespeel van die stryd om spoorverbinding, wat die grootste deel van Victoriaanse Tydperk gekenmerk het. Alhoewel 'n spoorlyn meermale is dit eers in 1895 toegestaan. ten opsigte die Laatbeloof is, Op maritieme gebied was daar groot ontwikkeling: stoomhyskrane en · -sleepbote is bekom en groot oseaanskepe het Mosselbaai tweeweekliks en later weekliks aangedoen en sodoende gereelde verbinding met Engeland bewerkstellig. Die Coode-verslag het egter bevind dat die baai besig was om vlakker te word en haweontwikkeling is afgekeur. Stoomskepe het op Sondae begin aandoen en het sodoende Sondagwerk op die inwoners afgedwing. Nadat die spoorweg tussen die Diamantveld en die hawestede Kaapstad en Port Elizabeth voltooi is, is Mosselbaai stadig as hawe vir die Groot Karoo verdring. In die negentigerjare is die diens van die stoomskiprederye ingekort, wat 'n geweldige slag vir die handel was. Aan die einde van die dekade is aangekondig dat die hawe 'n golfbreker en nuwe kaai sou kry. Alhoewel verskeie skepe deur die jare vergaan het , was dit min in vergelyking met die skipbreuke elders. Na die voltooiing van die Kleinbosch-waterskema in 1886 is die dorp as badplaas en gesondheidsoord bemark en het groot getalle vakansiegangers na die Baai gestroom om veral in die natuurlike swemsloep by die Punt te baai. Boere van die binneland het ook naby die strand by Diepkloof begin kampeer. Na die installing van 'n halfdagvakansie op Saterdae het sport groot aftrek geniet en is verskillende klubs gestig. Inwoners het ook by verskillende verenigings aangesluit om hul vryetyd op 'n opbouende wyse te verwyl. Op kerklike gebied het 'n paar leraars besonder lank op Mosselbaai gearbei en het veel tot die ontwikkeling van die gemeenskap bygedra. Die onderwys is gekenmerk deur 'n stryd tussen die staatsondersteunde skole en die van die kerke. Alhoewel klein, het die plaaslike skole goeie uitslae behaal en uitstekende studente opgelewer.

This thesis analysed the historical productions of Rhodes in 20th century Cape Town. The critique of this study was that Cape Town embodies the history of imperialism in maintaining the memory of Rhodes. The thesis examined the following sites: Rhodes Cottage Museum, Rhodes Groote Schuur minor house, Rhodes Memorial and two statues, one in the Company Gardens at Cape Town and the other at the University of Cape Town.

This thesis is concerned with the ways in which whiteness and authenticity are manifested within contemporary visual culture in South Africa. The project begins as an artistic inquiry grounded in autobiography, which becomes an elaborate self-portrait narrated from the distance of the third person. My practice aims to address the trajectories that I am unable to articulate through my theoretical analysis. Through a process of solvent release printing, I explore the dualities of my own identity as African and white in an attempt to counteract the view that one negates the other. Part I attempts to provide an archive-able record of this practice. Part II shows that a long history of dichotomous art-historical practice has resulted in differentiated artistic pressures for black and white South African artists. I discuss the development of platforms that have contributed to the shifting of such classificatory trends without dissolving them completely, namely the first and second Johannesburg Biennales, Africus (1995) and Trade Routes (1997). In doing so, I trace how these events have troubled such stereotypes. Whiteness is identified as the overriding factor which allows the dominant discourse of Western- and Euro-centric ideals to remain prioritised. Brett Murray and Minnette Vári are discussed as examples of white South African artists who problematise whiteness by addressing racial fluidity, belonging, authenticity and identity. The theme of autobiography is reintroduced in the conclusion, where I argue that my own practice could be seen to mirror the strategies that each artist has employed to subvert their whiteness, and to build a case for accessing a multiple identity that is African in its ability to be diverse. I conclude that it is ultimately the artists’ performative use of their own bodies which allows them to discuss issues of representation without falling into the ideological position of the coloniser.

M.A. (History) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy / This thesis provides a detailed account of the. events leading up to the war between Britain and the Zulu kingdom in 1879, and undertakes to explain why the war came about Theophilus Shepstone, Natal's Secretary for Native Affairs, had long aspired to bring Zululand under British control, When King Mpande died in 1872, his heir, Cetshwayo, was anxious for British support against rival claimants, and against the South African Republic, with which he had a border dispute. He therefore invited Shepstone to preside over a ceremony recognizing him as King. Shepstone's hopes that his 'coronation' of Cetshwayo would lead to greater control over Zululand were disappointed, but it did serve as a precedent for British intervention. The war of 1879, in the event, did not arise out of purely local causes, but was more the result of British imperial policy. Lord Carnarvon, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, aspired to 'confederate' the various territories of southern Africa into a 'self-governing' (that is, settler governed) dominion under the British flag. To this end Shepstone annexed the Transvaal in 1877. The border dispute now became a dispute between Britain and the Zulu kingdom, and relations deteriorated sharply. Sir Bartle Frere, the High Commissioner entrusted by Carnarvon with the task of implementing his confederation policy, decided that the continued independence of the Zulu kingdom was an insuperable obstacle to confederation. He therefore took advantage of certain border incidents (and of the warlike reputation of the Zulu) to send an ultimatum calculated to bring about war. The question this thesis particularly addresses is whether the war was an incidental by-product of a confederation policy carried out for other reasons, or whether bringing Zululand under British control was inherent in the policy itself. It argues that the latter was the case. The purpose of confederation was neither retrenchment nor to safeguard naval bases, as some have argued, but a comprehensive political and economic reconstruction of South African society in Which an independent Zulu kingdom could have no place. On the other hand, to argue that Zululand was invaded to facilitate the advance of capitalist production in South Africa., as others have done, is to state the case too narrowly. The desirability and inevitability of capitalist production was assumed rather than consciously striven for by those who believed that the invasion of Zululand was necessary to facilitate the progress and civilization of South Africa. / AC2017

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. / Contemporary work in the Sociology of Education has been sharply polarized between approaches which emphasize the reproductive role of education systems and those which emphasize the role of popular resistance and culture in shaping the social relations of schooling. That opting for either of these two divergent approaches poses serious theoretical dilemmas is demonstrated particularly sharply by attempts to analyze the South African education system for Africans in the years between the 1940s and 1976. On the one hand, it is widely seen as a system which maintained relations of class and racial inequality; on the other it produced an enormous student rebellion in 1976. The thesis suggests that viewing education systems as part of the state, understood as a contested field of social relations, offers a way of investigating educational conflict which avoids both the functionalism of reproductionist perspectives and the voluntarist tendencies of culturalist interpretations. It enables the valid insights of these theories to be integrated into an analysis without their characteristic drawbacks. On this basis a series of analytical propositions about Bantu Education are generated. The thesis argues that the relationship between Bantu Education policy and capitalism was changing and contingent rather than fixed, as previous analyses have implied. The state educational bureaucracy did not function as an instrument of capital; rather, at certain times its aims were complimentary with the needs of capital, and at other times, largely contradictory with them, The education system reproduced varying levels of skill in the work force across time. Urbanization and industrialization, were central forces moulding education policy, the introduction of Bantu Education policy was a response to urban crisis. The thesis argues that the way in which state education policy was pursued was partly shaped by popular movements. There was a battle within the education system between the hegemonic project of government and mass resistance. Changes in popular culture affected the nature of popular responses to educational structures. Teachers' responses were particularly affected by their ambiguous structural position. The thesis attempt to test these arguments through a historical investigation of the period from the 1940s to 1976. It argues that the roots of Bantu Education policy need to be sought in the social crisis resulting fro~ urbanization and industrialization, Which affected South African society from the 1940s. In the education sphere, this crisis was manifested in the inability of the existing black education system to cope with the needs of urban youth, growing conflict within the mission schools, and disaffection and radicalization of the African teaching profession. In these circumstances dominant class opinion favored state intervention and restructuring of the education system. The implementation of Bantu Education from 1955 was initially focused on resolving the urban crisis, by providing for the social control of the urban working class and reproduction of a semi-skilled work force. A notable campaign of resistance, in the form of school boycotts by the African National Congress, opposed the policy in 1955-1956, but eventually broke down, primarily because of its inability to rival the state's capacity to provide mass schooling. other forms of resistance to state policy, such as opposition to the establishment of school boards, teacher activism and student riots, were too. dispersed and limited to block it. By the early sixties, a new, state run, cheap education system had been established. However the grim material conditions in that system, and its racist administration, prevented it from exploiting Opportunities to win active popular support. In the 19608, government, enjoying favorable political and economic conditions, moved to a more rigid linking of education policy to the enforcement of territorial apartheid, especially by preventing the expansion of urban black secondary, technical and higher education in the urban areas. It appeared that a degree of popular acquiescence in the education system was developing, with the stabilization of popular participation in the school board system and in conservativee teachers organizations. However, the system was generating new industry, was adversely affected by skill shortages increased by government educational policy, in the early 1970s industry launched a strong campaign for change in educational policy, which resulted in a government shift toward expansion of urban schooling. By the mid-1970s the changing political situation outside and inside the country, changes in youth culture, new ideological influences, and the material problems of the expanding schooling system were creating a new and more politicized culture of resistance amongst urban African youth .The implementation of a new language policy by government produced first the disaffection of school boards and then revolt amongst students. The conclusion argues that the analysis developed in the thesis has justified the claim. that the theoretical approach adopted in it goes beyond the limitations of reproductionist and culturalist studies. / AC 2018

No description available.

This study is about a minority group which settled amongst a larger group which had dominated education and other cultural spheres. The focus is on the struggle by the Afrikaans-, previously Dutchspeaking, minority group in Natal for the right to educate their children in their own language, in their own schools. The dissertation traces general developments in the field of education prior to the Anglo Boer War and briefly views the situation during the War. In the next phase (1902 - 1910) the establishment of the early C. N. E. and church schools is under scrutiny. The focus then shifts more specifically to the context in which the first Afrikaansmedium High School in Natal was established, namely the Hoerskool Voortrekker in Pietermaritzburg. A detailed rendering is given of the conflicts surrounding the establishment of this school. The study then moves to the Durban area and traces the developments surrounding the founding of an Afrikaans medium High School there. A detailed overview is given of all aspects of the Hoerskool Port Natal since its establishment in 1941. Towards the last section, the study broadens its focus again in describing the developments in the whole of Natal, with specific reference to high schools. In the final analysis it compares briefly the uphill struggle for Hoerskool Voortrekker to be established, with the relative success story of Hoerskool Port Natal and it suggests various tentative reasons for these differences. OPSOMMING Hierdie studie gaan om ’n minderheidsgroep wat hul tussen n meerderheidsgroep, wat die onderwys en ander kultuuraspekte oorheers het, kom vestig het. Die fokus is op die stryd wat die Afrikaans-, vroeër Hollandssprekende, minderheidsgroep gehad het vir die reg om hul kinders in hul eie taal, in hul eie skole, te laat onderrig. Die verhandeling speur die algemene ontwikkeling op onderwys-gebied voor die uitbreek van die Anglo-Boere-oorlog na en gee ook 'n oorsig van die toestande gedurende die oorlog. Die volgende fase (1902 - 1910) handel oor die stigting van die C. N. 0.- en kerkskole. Die klem verskuif dan meer spesifiek na die toestande waaronder die eerste Afrikaanse hoërskool in Natal, die Hoërskool Voortrekker in Pietermaritzburg, tot stand gekom het. Daar word 'n volledige verslag oor die stryd en probleme wat, met die stigting van hierdie skool ondervind is, gegee. Die studie verskuif dan na die Durbangebied en vors die ontwikkeling van die eerste Afrikaansmedium hoërskool in die ge- bied na. 'n Volledige studie, wat al die aspekte rondom die stigting en ontwikkeling van die Hoërskool Port Natal dek, word gegee. In die laaste afdeling verbreed die studieveld en fokus op die beskrywing van die ontwikkeling van Afrikaansmedium hoërskole in die res van Natal. In die finale analise word daar 'n vergelyking getref tussen die opdraende stryd wat daar gestry is met die totstandkoming en voortbestaan van die Hoërskool Voortrekker, teenoor die relatiewe suksesverhaal van Hoërskool Port Natal en word daar verskeie moontlike redes vir hierdie verskille aangevoer. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1989.

Music in the curricula, music in the schools, supportive materials, and facilities were examined in six out of seven South African educational jurisdictions during the late 1970's. Official views were compared with what actually occurred. A profile of the teachers involved included their training, responsibilities, and status within the educational system. The detailed information was compared with trends appearing in the 1980's. / Thesis (M.Mus.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1987.