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Strategies for South Africa's ascent in the modern world-systemFerendinos, Michael Gerry 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Strategies for South Africa’s development are often analysed from a predominantly
economic perspective, overlooking the key role that political and sociocultural
elements play in the developmental process. This study will assess possible
development strategies by making use of the modern world-systems (MWS)
theoretical perspective, due to the theory’s holistic approach to development. The
question is posed whether South Africa – in accordance with the MWS perspective –
will be able to ascend from its current semi-peripheral position in the hierarchy of the
modern world-system to the core group of states by 2025. The components for
national development are all-encompassing and require an increase in state strength,
long-term economic development, and domestic and international sociocultural
influence.
Prospects for South Africa’s ascent to the core have been explored within a 15-20
year time period because the capitalist world-economy is currently still in a phase of
contraction, or B-phase of growth (1973-2025). The modern world-systems
theoretical approach asserts that country mobility is more likely during this phase and
that ascent in the hierarchy will be increasingly difficult when the world-economy
begins its expansionary phase around 2025.
The study concludes that South Africa faces numerous external and internal
constraints to its development, despite the noteworthy economic, political and
sociocultural incentives that it could potentially capitalise on over the next fifteen
years. It is anticipated that these constraints will place the country in a position
whereby it will be unable to reap the benefits of the most optimal developmental
strategies put forward by the modern world-systems approach; hence it will be
severely challenged to attain core status by 2025. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Strategieë vir die ontwikkeling van Suid-Afrika word meerendeels geanaliseer vanuit
‘n hoofsaaklike ekonomiese invalshoek en dit het tot gevolg dat die rol wat politieke
en sosio-kulturele aspekte in die ontwikkelingsproses speel nie op ag geslaan word
nie. Die studie evalueer moontlike ontwikkelings-strategieë vir Suid-Afrika deur
gebruik te maak van die moderne wêreld-sisteem teoretiese benadering (MWS) wat ‘n
meer holistiese perspektief op ontwikkeling bied. Die vraag word gevra of Suid-
Afrika – in ooreenstemming met die uitganspunte van MWS - teen 2025 sal kan
vorder tot die kategorie van “kern-staat”, vanaf sy huidige status as “semi-periferale
staat”. Die allesomvattende komponente vir ontwikkeling wat MWS identifiseer
vereis die groei van staatskapasiteit, langtermyn ekonomiese ontwikkeling, en die
uitbreiding van regionale en internasionale sosio-kulturele invloed.
Die vooruitsigte vir Suid-Afrika se opgang is nagevors oor die verloop van ‘n 15-20
jaar tydperk, aangesien die kapitalistiese wêreld-ekonomie tans in ‘n fase van
kontraksie verkeer (B-fase van groei) tussen 1973-2025. Die MWS benadering
argumenteer dat opwaartse mobiliteit van state meer waarskynlik is tydens ‘n B-fase
van groei en dat opgang moeiliker sal word wanneer die wêreld-ekonomie weer ‘n
ekspansionistiese fase van groei betree in 2025.
Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat Suid-Afrika se ontwikkelings-uitdagings
deur beide eksterne en interne faktore bemoeilik word, nieteenstaande moontlike
sterkpunte op ekonomiese, politieke en sosio-kulturele gebied waarop dit sou kon
kapitaliseer oor die volgende 15 jaar. Hierdie faktore, word geargumenteer, sal
veroorsaak dat die optimale ontwikkelingstrategieë wat deur ander state gevolg is, nie
deur Suid-Afrika nagevolg sal kan word nie, en dat gevolglik, sonder innoverende
strategieë, die kanse dat die land kern-status teen 2025 sal bereik, gering is.
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Suid-Afrika, Maleisie en post skikkingsgeweld : konstitusionele wysigings as oplossing vir geweld?Haasbroek, Mart-Marie 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / This study undertakes to look at the relationship between peace agreements and the
violence that follows these agreements. Throughout modern history, there are
examples of peace agreements between two warring internal factions that ended in
post-conflict violence and in extreme cases, to the end of the peace agreement. It
does not necessarily lead to full out war, but can manifest in riots, like Malaysia and
criminal violence in South Africa. This study attempts to compare both South Africa
and Malaysia by looking specifically at the reasons for post conflict violence. South
Africa has faced a growing problem with violent crime after the negotiations of the
early 1990’s and its result, the new constitution of 1993, that functioned as the peace
agreement. Malaysia moved through several constitutions to arrive at their
constitution of 1957 that which viewed as their constitutional agreement. This
constitutional agreement went to great lengths to protect the sons of the soil, the
bumiputra. The uneasy peace only lasted until 1969, when race riots followed the
general elections and left hundreds dead or injured.
By studying South Africa and Malaysia and looking at the underlying factors of
violence, with special focus on ethnic factors and especially poverty, can we move
closer to the underlying causes of post conflict violence. Malaysia tried to address
these problems by making constitutional amendments, following the 1969 riots.
These amendments were implemented in 1972. Since then the problem of post
conflict violence has been addressed to some extent. There are however, still factors
of violence that have not been completely eradicated, that might lead to a flaring of
violence again one day. The question that this thesis tries to address in the end is, if
we need to consider and implement constitutional amendments, like Malaysia, to
address our growing problem of post conflict violence. I attempt here to answer this
question, comparing the histories of South Africa and Malaysia and the underlying
factors of violence to see exactly how similar these states are and if the same
solution can work for both.
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A study of democratic consolidation in South Africa : what progress to date?Kearsey, Stuart James 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Democratic consolidation has become an increasingly popular phenomenon with the advent of democracy in countries all over the world, making the successful transition to a democratic dispensation from authoritarian rule. South Africa, as the case under analysis, provides a clear example of a country that has successfully managed a democratic transition, and is now on the path of consolidating its democracy thirteen years into democratic rule. The extent to which democratic consolidation is being effected in South Africa is the primary focus of this study, with a critical examination of the factors that are instrumental in creating and sustaining the conditions conducive to democratic survival.
This study provides a theoretical grounding in the existing literature on democratic consolidation, which enables us to highlight the key areas of consolidation. The criteria used to determine the degree to which South Africa’s democracy can be regarded consolidated was developed by Linz and Stepan (1996), Przeworski et al (1996), Bratton and van de Walle (1997) and the subsequent writings of others. This enables us to develop a multivariate framework for evaluating the extent to which democracy is ingrained in South Africa, as well as assessing prospects for the consolidation thereof. The criteria in this study are thus broadly subdivided into the following categories. Firstly, the existence of an autonomous political society, whereby democratic institutions are evaluated in light of the parliamentary system, the electoral system, elections, the state of political parties in South Africa, and the existence of a legal culture that upholds our Constitutional democracy.
Secondly, the existence of an economic society in South Africa is assessed in terms of the state of the economy and the economic policies followed by the ruling party implemented to enhance economic growth. This is studied in the context of current socio-economic ills, such as income inequality, poverty, unemployment, and measures designed to relieve these problems, most notably the creation and development of a black middle class to generate greater equality and empower the black majority. Lastly, social factors are discussed, with an emphasis on race and the significance it assumes in South African politics today. Other factors such as the existence of a strong and vibrant civil society and the development of a democratic political culture are equally important in sustaining a democratic dispensation. The latter, for the most part, was found to be a crucial determinant of whether prospects for democratic consolidation in South Africa are positive. Political culture, in essence, embodies all the criteria discussed, and thus is an underlying theme throughout this study.
The findings indicate that South Africa’s democracy is consolidating in terms of institution building; however these institutions need to be protected and strengthened to ensure that trust and confidence in them is developed and maintained. The major obstacle to achieving consolidation though, is the issue of the African National Congress’ dominance in Parliament, rendering the opposition relatively insignificant. In addition, poverty and unemployment persists despite policies designed to uplift the poor. This was found to be a significant burden on democratic consolidation. Civil society plays an important role in this regard in helping to improve service delivery, as well as acting as a watchdog over state power, which is pivotal in fostering a democratic political culture. Whether or not this is sufficient in upholding democracy, only time will tell.
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Land reform in Southern Africa : a comparative study between South Africa and ZimbabweMason, Kirsten Zara 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land has been a revolutionary metaphor for wealth and power in the world. Ideally,
land reform in Africa should contribute to social and economic progress and
ultimately result in social equity, as well as increased agricultural productivity.
This study is devoted to the history of the land ownership in Southern Africa, as well
as the meaning and explanation of land reform programmes after the transition to
democracy. Moreover, it is dedicated to familiarising the reader with the various
meanings and issues concerning land reform, particularly in South Africa and
Zimbabwe. The outcome of the study is to promote further discussion on the need
and about the revival of land reform programmes in the region of Southern Africa. In
this study, South Africa and Zimbabwe are discussed comparatively with regards to
three main areas of land reform: restitution, redistribution and tenure reform. The
goal of this study is to gauge the possibility of South Africa following in the footsteps
of Zimbabwe in terms of land invasions supported by the government.
Zimbabwe faces the painful reality that its political revolutions have only brought
them halfway to true independence. The objective for Zimbabwe is to establish a
functional socialist economy where decision-making would be under political control
so as to bring about the drastic redistribution of wealth from whites to blacks. The
fulfilment of the rule of law must become the first priority of the Zimbabwean
government. If the government continues to belittle the rule of law, corrupt decisions
benefiting only those in support of the government, will continually be made. The
importance of land in Zimbabwe did not so much arise from the social and economic
inequalities, but rather the inability to access land, accompanied by a growing
overpopulation, landlessness, land deterioration and escalating poverty in the black
areas. This was further paralleled with severe under-utilisation of land in the white
farming areas.
South Africa, on the other hand, did make space at an earlier stage of transition in
their constitution, for organised and methodical land reform to occur. Unfortunately,
this process has taken much slower than first predicted, which has led to unrest among
the landless, and those who have made claims for the land. South Africa very recently made some decisions to speed up the land reform process through
expropriation if negotiations fail. With the Zimbabwean situation, the issue may not
so much be about land in itself, but may reflect the need for employment, especially
regarding infrastructure and investment in industrialisation within the rural areas.
This study concludes that South Africa, although showing many similar signs of a
downward spiral, will not follow the route which Zimbabwe has taken. It would
appear that the government of South Africa would not allow land invasions by the
landless, organised under the banner the 'Landless Peoples Movement (LPM), as was
seen in Zimbabwe with the war veterans. The reason for this is that the South African
government has made continuous statements that land invasions will not be tolerated
in South Africa, and that they will abide by the legislation set out, when it comes to
land reform and restitution. The government has the power to enforce the rule of law
if land invasions do start to occur. Although the LPM have a similar manifesto and
goal as to the war veterans in Zimbabwe, they seem a lot less militant and ready to
work with the government and the people to ensure the best for South Africa's land
reform process.
This study thus looks at land reform issues that face South Africa and Zimbabwe, and
fleshes out ideas as to creating a regional procedure for the best method of land
reform for implementation by the South African Development Community. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gesien in die lig dat grond die revolusionêre metafoor van rykdom en mag in die
wêreld is, sal dit ideaal wees as grondhervorming tot sosiale en ekonomiese
bevordering in Afrika kan bydra en uiteindelik kan lei tot sosiale gelykheid en
toename in produktiwiteit in die Landbou-sektor.
Hierdie studie is toegewy aan die geskiedenis van grond-eienaarskap in Suider-
Afrika, sowel as die betekenis en verduideliking van grondhervormingsprogramme na
afloop van die transisie na 'n demokrasie stelsel. Die studie fokus ook daarop om die
leser meer in te lig oor die verskeie menings en uitgangspunte rakende
grondhervorming in die algemeen, maar meer speisfiek in Suid Afrika en Zimbabwe.
Die doel van die studie is om verdere besprekings oor die behoefte en die heroplewing
van grondhervormingsprogramme in Suider-Afrika. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe word
in die studie op drie gronde met mekaar vergelyk: Die teruggawe van grondeiendom,
die herverdeling van grondeiendom en die hervorming van besitreg. Die doel van die
studie is om te bepaal of Suid-Afrika in die voetspore van Zimbabwe gaan volg.
Zimbabwe staar die pynlike realiteit in die oë dat hul politieke revolusies hulle slegs
halfpad tot ware onafhanklikheid gebring het. Die doel vir Zimbabwe was om 'n
funksionele sosialistiese ekonomiese stelsel daar te stel waar besluitneming onder
politieke beheer sou wees om sodanig drastiese herverdeling van rykdom vanaf
blankes na swartes, asook onafhanklikheid van kapitaliste, te bewerkstellig. Die
belangrikheid van grondbesit het nie werklik in die sosiale en ekonomiese
ongelykhede gelê nie, maar in die onvermoë om grond te bekom tesame met 'n
toenemende oorbevolkingsyfer, grondloosheid, grondverarming en toenemende
armoede in swart gebiede. 'n Bydraende faktor was die groot mate van
onderbenutting van grond in blanke boerdery gebiede.
Aan die ander kant, het Suid Afrika baie vroeg in die oorgangsfase voorsiening vir 'n
georganiseerde en stelselmatige grondhervormingsproses, in die grondwet gemaak.
Ongelukkig het die proses baie langer gesloer as wat aanvanklik beplan is. Dit het tot
onrustigheid onder die mense wat geen grondeiendom besit het nie en dié wat
grondeise ingedien het, gelei. Suid Afrika het onlangs besluite geneem om die proses te bespoedig deur 'n paar belangrike besluite te neem, om die
grondhervormings proses, vinniger te maak Dit word gedoen deur ekspropriasie as
onderhandelinge onsuksesvol is. Soos in Zimbabwe, mag die werklike probleem nie
slegs oor geondbesit gaan nie. Dit reflekteer die behoefte aan werkverskaffing,
veral in die infrastruktuur van arm gebiede en die investering industrialisasie.
Alhoewel dit lyk asof Suid-Afrika nie suksesvol in die herverdeling van grond is nie,
kom die studie tot die slotsom dat die land nie in die spore van Zimbabwe sal volg
nie. Dit kom voor asof die Suid-Afrikaanse owerheid nie sal toelaat dat mense sonder
grondbesit, grond onregmatig inneem soos in Zimbabwe nie, omdat hulle 'n punt
in die media daarvan gemaak het. Die owerheid het die mag om die wet toe te pas in
situasies waar grond onregmatig ingeneem word. Alhowel die LPM ("Landless
Peoples Movement") 'n soortgelyke manifes en doelstellings as die oorlogveterane
van Zimbabwe het, blyk dit nie asof hulle so militaristies is nie en dat hulle gereed is
om saam met die owerheid en mense te werk sodat die hervormingsproses in die beste
belange van Suid-Afrika plaasvind.
Hierdie studie kyk dus na die grondhervormingsproses in Zimbabwe en Suid Afrika
en vorm idees rondom die skepping van 'n uniforme proses wat die beste
hervormingsmetode is vir die gebruik van die Suid-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap.
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Foreign observers in South African elections : an assessment of their contributionsHofmeyr, Jan Hendrik 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Over the past three decades the practice of international election observation has
shifted its focus from elections taking place within a decolonialisation context, to
those in independent, but formerly undemocratic, states. The latter accepted the
presence of international observers with some reservation, citing the contention
that observation amounted to an infringement on national sovereignty. The
demise of the former East Block, however, established the primacy of the liberal
democratic ideology in world politics, leaving these states with a limited choice
between democratisation and isolation.
Pro-democracy supporters in former authoritarian countries embraced the
change in ideological climate. Realising the lack of capacity and trust to run
elections by themselves, they generally supported the presence of international
observers in elections of states emerging from prolonged periods of
authoritarianism. Over the past decade this affinity with international missions
has been transformed into skepticism. Three primary reasons for this
disenchantment have been the apparent lack of electoral standards,
uncoordinated observer missions and failure to convince voters of their
impartiality.
This assignment represents a scholarly attempt to evaluate the contributions of
international election observers to South African elections. On a theoretical level
it addresses the three criticisms against foreign observation. Drawing on the vast
body of international literature, the author suggests three countermeasures.
These suggestions, aimed at enhancing the contributions of international
observer consist of: 1) a greater consideration for the political context within
which an election takes place; 2) the pooling of international observer capacity
and 3) more scope to, and cooperation with, local observer groups. Each of
these measures is transferred to the South African electoral reality to establish
the extent of their application in this practical context. With regard to the first proposal the author finds that clear consideration has
been given to contextual factors in both elections. An assessment of the quality
of coordination of international observer groups also indicates that the practice of
pooling resources have been employed with success by a number of missions. In
this field the U.N. played a leading role. Cooperation between international
observers and their local counterparts is however an aspect that has been
lagging behind. The opportunity for capacity building, a significant benefit of
such cooperation, has therefore to a large extent been lost. In the light of this,
and the uncertainty of future international involvement, the author asserts that in
future South Africans will increasingly be dependent on the cultivation of
homegrown capacity. He therefore believes that initiatives such as the creation of
the SADC Electoral Forum in 1998 are commendable and should be
encouraged. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die fokus van internasionale verkiesingwaarneming het in die loop van die laaste
drie dekades wesenlik verskuif van die tradisionele dekolonisasie
verkiesingskonteks, na waarneming binne onafhanklike state waar die
omskakeling van outoritêre na demokratiese regeringsvorms redelik onlangs
plaasgevind het. Laasgenoemde state moes waarnemers, en die verkiesings wat
waargeneem is, met voorbehoud aanvaar. Die alternatiewe was egter beperk.
Die val van die voormalige Oosblok en die gevolglike triomf van die liberale
demokrasie, het ondemokratiese state met 'n eenvoudige keuse gelaat: hervorm
of staar isolasie in die gesig.
Pro-demokratiese groepe in voormalige outoritêre state het die nuwe klimaat van
politieke vryheid verwelkom. In die besef dat nuwe demokrasieë waarskynlik nie
oor die nodige ervaring en wedersydse vertroue binne die bevolking beskik om
verkiesings volkome te laat vlot nie, is buitelandse bystand - met inbegrip van
internasionale waarneming - deur dié groepe verwelkom. In die afgelope dekade
het die positiewe konnotasie aan internasionale verkiesingswaarneming egter in
gedrang gekom. Drie kernredes hiervoor was die skynbare gebrek aan
universele verkiesingstandaarde, swak georganiseerde waarnemer afvaardigings
en 'n algemene gebrek om hul motiewe bo verdenking te plaas.
Die sentrale oogmerk van hierdie werkstuk is die evaluasie van die bydraes
gemaak deur internasionale verkiesingswaarnemers in die twee Suid-Afrikaanse
verkiesings van 1994 en 1999. Op 'n teoretiese vlak is die drie bogenoemde
gebreke aangespreek, en na raadpleging van internasionale literatuur oor die
onderwerp is drie teenmaatreëls geidentifiseer. Hierdie aktiwiteite, gemik op
meer effektiewe internasionale betrokkenheid bestaan uit: 1) groter aandag wat
geskenk moet word aan politeke konteks; 2) die kombinering van internasionale
waarnemer vaardighede vir beter resultate, en 3) groter klem wat gelê moet word
op samewerking tussen nasionale en internasionale waarnemers. Elkeen van hierdie vereistes is oorgedra na die Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesingskonteks om vas
te stel tot watter mate dié gebruike in Suid-Afrika wortel geskied het.
Wat betref die eerste voorstel met betrekking tot konteksgebonde evaluasie, is
daar vasgestel dat dit wel deel was van internasionale waarnemer praktyk in
beide verkiesings. 'n Waardeskatting van die koordinasie van internasionale
waarnemingsgroepe dui verder daarop dat samewerking tussen
waarnemergroepe oor die algemeen bygedra het tot 'n versterking van
inisiatiewe deur internasionale waarnemers. Op hierdie gebied het die Verenigde
Nasies veral 'n sleutelrol gespeel. 'n Aspek wat egter agterweë gebly het, is die
vlak van samewerking tussen internasionale waarnemers en hul Suid-
Afrikaanse eweknieë. Hier is 'n waardevolle geleentheid verspeel om die
kapasiteit van plaaslike verkiesingswaarnemers te versterk. Dit, en die feit dat
toekomstige internasionale teenwoordigheid in die toekoms nie 'n sekerheid is
nie, sal volgens die skrywer, beteken dat Suid-Afrikaners in die toekoms
toenemend aangewese sal wees op die ontwikkeling van eie kapasiteit. In die lig
hiervan moet inisiatiewe soos SAOG se nuutgestigte Verkiesingsforum
verwelkom en aangemoedig word.
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Where Zimbabwe got it wrong - lessons for South Africa : a comparative analysis of the politics of land reform in Zimbabwe and South AfricaSibanda, Nkanyiso 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a comparative study of the politics of land reform in Zimbabwe and South
Africa. Robert Cox’s critical theory is the theoretical framework used in carrying out the
study. The particular focus of this thesis falls on the similarities and differences that exist in
the two countries regarding the politics of land reform. Both countries share striking
similarities, some of which include: In both countries, soon after the advent of democracy
the majority of blacks lived in poor marginal areas where the land was/is less productive
than the rich and fertile arable land owned by whites. In both countries, the minority
whites are richer than the majority native black people; in both countries, land
redistribution was a key national goal of the incoming governments immediately after
independence; in both countries, land redress did not however happen as immediately as
the incoming governments had promised. In Zimbabwe, the process only began some 20
years after independence while in South Africa, it is now 15years since 1994 when the ANC
came into power and still, the racially skewed agricultural land ownership patterns are yet
to be conclusively addressed.
Some of the differences discussed in the study include; the types of governments in the two
countries; land reform policies of the two countries; the type of societies as well as the
relationship between Zimbabwe’s war veterans to the ZANU PF government.
Steps are already underway to redress the distorted land ownership patterns in South
Africa but is the process happening quick enough to prevent South Africa from facing the
problems associated with inequitable land ownership patterns such as those that were
faced by Zimbabwe? Where and how did Zimbabwe get her land redistribution process
wrong? What lessons can South Africa learn from the case of Zimbabwe? Chapter two and
three of the thesis will provide a general overview of the politics of land in the two
countries, while chapter four will show the similarities and differences that exist. Chapter
five will conclude by showing the lessons that South Africa can learn from Zimbabwe while
also suggesting areas for further study. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n vergelykende studie van die politiek van grondhervorming in Zimbabwe
en Suid‐Afrika. Robert Cox se Kritiese Teorie is die teoretiese raamwerk wat gebruik word
in die uitvoering van die studie. Die tesis fokus spesifiek op die ooreenkomste en verskille
van hierdie twee lande wat betref die politiek van grondhervorming. Beide lande deel
opvallende ooreenkomste, wat die volgende insluit: Kort na kolonisasie is die meerderheid
swart mense in arm agtergeblewe gebiede geplaas, waar die land minder produktief is/was
as die ryk en vrugbare akkerland in besit van blankes. In beide lande is die minderheid
blankes ryker as die meerderheid inheemse swart mense. In albei lande is die herverdeling
van grond 'n belangrike nasionale doelwit van die nuwe regerings onmiddellik na
onafhanklikheid. In beide lande het die herverdeling van grond egter nie dadelik
plaasgevind soos die nuwe regerings belowe het nie. In Zimbabwe het die proses eers 20
jaar na die land se onafhanklikheid begin. Dit is nou 15 jaar sedert 1994, vandat die ANC in
Suid‐Afrika aan bewind gekom het, en nogsteeds is die ongelyke rasverdeelde
grondeienaarskappatrone nie finaal aangespreek nie.
Sommige van die verskille wat in die studie bespreek word sluit die volgende in: die tipes
regeringstelsels wat die twee lande volg; grondhervormingsbeleid van die twee lande; die
tipe samelewings, asook die verhouding tussen Zimbabwe se oorlogsveterane en die ZANU
PF‐regering.
Stappe is reeds geneem vir die regstelling van die ongelyke grondbesitpatrone in Suid‐
Afrika, maar is die proses besig om vinnig genoeg te gebeur om te verhoed dat Suid‐Afrika
voor dieselfde uitdagings as Zimbabwe te staan kom? Waar en hoe het Zimbabwe se
grondherverdelingproses verkeerd geloop? Watter lesse kan Suid‐Afrika leer uit die geval
van Zimbabwe? Hoofstukke twee en drie van die tesis gee 'n algemene oorsig van die
politiek van grond in die twee lande, terwyl hoofstuk vier ooreenkomste en verskille wat bestaan aantoon. Hoofstuk vyf sluit af deur aan te dui wat die lesse is wat Suid-afrika van Zimbabwe kan leer.
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Globalisation : democratisation, neo-liberalism, and development-aid in South AfricaMlitwa, Nhlanhla Boyfriend Wilton 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study has set to describe and explain the causal relationship between the process of
globalisation, and that of democratisation and development in South Africa. Understanding
this process required an analysis of the political and economic patterns followed, and policy
choices made by state elites in South Africa, and to compare these processes with other
countries that are also integrating into the global political economy.
In South Africa, the dominance of the external factor on the country's socio-economic and
development policy making process is exposed in this study. Analysis of the progress of
South Africa's macro-economic policy (GEAR) in creating sustainable economic growth, and
in linking it with the locally defined notion of 'people-based development' (as per RDP
document, 1994) over a five-year period reveals firstly, that while GEAR is portrayed as both
an economic and a 'people-based development' policy, it is an externally oriented policy
whose ends are largely the promotion of transnational capitalist interest. The contradiction is
that while a redress of development discrepancies (i.e. by providing social-welfare, health,
education, clean water, electricity, transport and housing) calls for an increase in government
expenditure, GEAR's fiscal stance prohibits such spending.
South Africa's development policy represents a much broader and a common problem in the
global socio-economic superstructure, solutions for which cannot be derived by analysing the
policy of only one country, but the whole transnational political-economic system.
The problems of the current global political-economic order and its development programs
remains naked for all to see. Even common sense indicates that the North-South power
relations are one-sided, problematic and should not be allowed to continue indefinitely as
they stand. In addition, that the underdeveloped countries should continue to play an active
role in global structures such as the UN, the UNOs such as UNCTAD, the WTO, and other
international institutions if they are to impact on policies that govern the North-South
relations. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die verhouding tussen die proses van die ontplooiing van
globalisasie, demokratisering, neo-liberalisme en sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling in Suid-
Afrika, te beskryf en te verduidelik. Om hierdie verhouding te kan verstaan is 'n analise van
die politiese en ekonomiese patrone wat gevolg word en beleidskeuses wat deur staatselites
gemaak word, van hierdie nuwe demokratiese staat, nodig.
Die oorheersing van eksterne faktore oor die Suid-Afrikaanse beleidsmaking ten opsigte van
sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkelings het in die studie na vore getree. 'n Analise van die
vordering van die Suid-Afrikaanse makro-ekonomiese beleid (GEAR), in die skepping van
behoudbare ekonomiese groei en die skakeling daarvan met die plaaslike nosie (RDP
dokument, 1994) van "mens-gebasseerde" ontwikkeling oor 'n periode van vyf jaar, het
geopenbaar dat GEAR, wat voorgestel is as 'n ekonomiese en sosio-ekonomiese
ontwikkelingsbeleid, terselfdetyd 'n eksterne georienteerde beleid is wat transnationale
kapitalistiese belange promotiseer. Daar bestaan kontroduksie tussen die oogmerke van
GEAR. Eerstens beoog GEAR die vernouing van die ontwikkelingsgaping in Suid-Afrika
(deur die voorsienig van maatskaplike dienste, gesonheidsdienste, opvoeding, skoon water,
elektrisiteit, vervoer en behuising) iets wat 'n verhoging van staatsuitgawes tot gevolg sal hê,
terwyl GEAR se beleid sulke verhoogde uitgawes aan bande lê.
Dit is voor die handliggend dat die Noord-Suid magsverhouding eensydig is, en problematies
is vir ontwikkeling en moet dus nie toegelaat word om voortgesit te word nie. Verder moet
onderontwikkelende lande voortdurend 'n aktiewe rol speel in globale strukture soos die
UNCTAD, die WHO, die VN en ander internasionale institusies as hulle enigsins 'n impak op
die beleid wat die Noord-Suid verhoudinge beheer, wil maak.
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The two presidencies in the new South Africa : implications for consolidation of democracyFukula, Mzolisi Colbert 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Following FW De Klerk's decision on the 2nd of February 1990 to unban black liberation
movements, release of Mandela from prison and the uplifting of the state of emergence, a
process of irreversible change was set in motion in South Africa. This process of change was
captured in the four-year dramatic series of negotiations sometimes referred to as 'talks about
talks' and the real negotiations at Kempton Park, which ensued immediately after De Klerk's
ground-breaking speech in 1990. The negotiations ultimately resulted in the i~interim
constitution of 1993 which served as the basis for the 1994 elections.
The election in turn ushered South Africa into a new epoch of an electoral democracy
characterised by most of the ingredients of a normal democracy. The new born "electoral
democracy" met the seven conditional institutions/ principles for a polyarchy as prescribed by
. Robert Dahl, namely universal suffrage; free and fair elections; right to run public office;
freedom of expression; right to access information; freedom to form organizations of great
variety and responsiveness of the government to voters and election outcomes. But the key
question relates to its consolidation - is it consolidating?
Responding to this question is the gist of this not-so comprehensive comparative thesis, whose
particular focus is the presidency in the new South Africa - both of Mandela and Mbeki. This is
done through the help of the both institutional as well as socio-economic approaches to
democracy. That is, 'without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible' (Linz and
Stepan .1996.p14) and without favourable socio-economic conditions, democratic institutions
are unlikely to endure and consolidate.
The institutional analysis puts under spotlight the presidency and decision-making trends,
specifically the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) for the
Mandela's presidential era and the Policy Co-ordination Advisory Services (PCAS) Unit for the
Mbeki's. On socio-economics it looks at how Mandela and Mbeki dealt with the inequality
problem issue. This study will not deal with issues such as ethnic heterogeneity or class issues in relation to consolidation of democracy, except insofar as they illustrate something about
policies on inequalities. It eventually assesses the implications for the consolidation of
democracy in the new South Africa by contrasting Mandela and Mbeki's approaches to the
economy i.e. Mandela's ROP and Nedlac and Mbeki's GEAR and International Investment
Council. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Proses van onomkeerbare verandering in Suid-Afrika is in werking gestel met FW de Klerk se besluit
op 2 Februarie 1990 om die bevrydingsbewegings te ontban, Mandela en ander politieke gevangenis
vry te laat en die noodtoestand op te hef. Dié proses van verandering het op 'n vier jaarlange
onderhandelingsproses uitgeloop wat aanvanklik getipeer was as "gesprekke oor gesprekke" en daarna
die ware onderhandelings wat by Kemptonpark plaasgevind het. Hierdie onderhandelings het gelei tot
die formulering van die interim grondwet van 1993 wat die basis gevorm het vir die eerste inklusiewe
verkiesing in Suid-Afrika in 1994.
Hierdie verkiesing het Suid-Afrika op die pad van 'n elektorale demokrasie geplaas wat die vereiste vir
alle normale demokrasieë is. Hierdie elektorale stelsel in Suid-Afrika voldoen aan al Robert Dahl se
sewe vereistes vir 'n poliargie, te wete algemene stemreg, vrye en regverdige verkiesings, die reg om
aan openbare instellings deel te neem, die vryheid van spraak, die reg tot inligting, die vryheid om
organisasies te vorm wat betrekking het op die verkiesingsproses. AI hierdie vereistes is noodsaaklik,
maar nie noodwendig voldoende om 'n demokrasie te konsolideer nie. Die vraag is dus of Suid-Afrika
konsolideer.
Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord vereis 'n omvattende ondersoek. Hierdie tesis is egter meer beskeie en
sal slegs konsentreer op die rol van die presidentskap in Suid-Afrika - Mandela en Mbeki, en te bepaal
of die style wat hulle gevolg het en die beleide wat hulle toegepas het konsolidasie in die hand werk of
nie. Daar sal gekyk word na die institusionele aspekte van die presidentskap se besluitnemingstrukture
asook na enkele sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat relevant vir demokratisering is. Die aanname in hierdie
tesis was "without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible" (Linz & Stepan. 1996), maar
sonder gunstige ekonomiese toestande (Przeworski en andere 1996), is die kanse dat 'n demokrasie
volhoubaar is gering.
Die instellings wat beskryf en ontleed word wat op die president se besluitnemingstyle dui is die
National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) wat Mandela betref en die Policy Coordination
Advisory Services (PCAS) wat Mbeki betref. Die sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat ondersoek is
handel in beide gevalle met hoe hierdie presidente die ongelykheids-problematiek in Suid-Afrika
aangespreek het wat ook op nasiebou betrekking het. Hierdie studie sluit kwessies soos etniese
heterogeniteit en die klassedebat uit, behalwe in soverre dit betrekking het op besluitneming en die
hantering van ongelykheid. Die implikasies vir konsolidasie word uitgespel.
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Foreign aid and NGO-state relations in South Africa : post-1994 developmentsRammutle, Radithebe 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non-
Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There
are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy:
viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or
oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised
by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of
opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs,
however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were
neglected by the apartheid state.
After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant
process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however,
primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South
Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and
quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on
two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States
Agency for International Development (USAID).
Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously
directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to
targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of
financial resources to sustain their work.
Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies
has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free
market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result,
foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in
the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and
Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs
who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and
oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are
more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has
resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised
NGOs during the apartheid era.
International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National
Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting
on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the
receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based
organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been
facing serious financial crises.
Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and
confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services
delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and
practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent
inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR
macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the
resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to
ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is
essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding
environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the
NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding
institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic
democracy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen
Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende
wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare
beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te
verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat
verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien
as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en
onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste
voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat.
Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende
proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie
verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die
uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het
staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van
NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur
agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State
Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO).
'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat
voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan,
wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë
'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou.
Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale
donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as
doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die
konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs
liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se
makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in
dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle
het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van
'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke
van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike
politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die
apartheidsera, beperk is.
Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale
Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang
op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van
finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde
organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige
finansiële krisisse begin ondervind.
Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin
raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien
ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie
te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid,
armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van
die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot
In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en
hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige
befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die
administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA
onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings
van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese
demokrasie.
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Investigating women's participation in protest politics between 1991 and 2001Wildschut, Angelique Colleen 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political
participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been
experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and
information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional
forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our
knowledge in this area.
This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991
and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of
trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in
1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on
women's political participation.
I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's
participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect
to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of
their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation
is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer
different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation.
In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible
areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of
my analysis in this project. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van
politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as
problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot
informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele
vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie
werk aangepak word.
Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en
2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994
insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit
moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te
spekuleer.
Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se
deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek
om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van
mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer
in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende
voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname
oplewer.
Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten
opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.
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