Thesis (LLM (Public Law))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: All agricultural subdivisions in the Republic of South Africa are regulated by the Subdivision of Agricultural Land Act 70 of 1970. The declared purpose of the Act is to prevent the creation of uneconomic farming units and this purpose is achieved through the requirement that the Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (“Minister of Agriculture”) must consent to the proposed subdivision. The Act was promulgated in the 1970s when the South African landscape was racially divided. The government of the time used law to provide benefits for the white minority. At this time the rights of non-whites were restricted. This is the social and political background of the Subdivision of Agricultural Land Act. The Act formed part of a legislative scheme that provided benefits for white farmers. More than a decade after democratisation and the end of apartheid the Subdivision of Agricultural Land Act is still in operation. The post-apartheid legislature drafted and enacted the Subdivision of Agricultural Land Act Repeal Act 64 of 1998, but it has not yet been brought into operation. During 2003 the legislature tabled the Draft Sustainable Utilisation of Agricultural Resources Bill which contains subdivision provisions that are identical to the provisions contained in the Subdivision Act. These legislative actions have created some uncertainty about the state of agricultural subdivisions. In 2008 the Constitutional Court decided that the Act continues to apply to all agricultural subdivisions and that this would be the position until the legislature chooses a definitive course of action. This constitutional analysis of the Subdivision of Agricultural Land Act examines the effect of the Act beyond the pre-constitutional legislative intention and framework under which it was enacted. If the Act cannot be saved from its apartheid context, the Repeal Act should become operational. This thesis concludes that the necessary and legitimate purpose of the Act, namely the regulation of subdivision of agricultural land, can be removed from its pre-constitutional setting in the apartheid era and may continue to justify the legitimate regulation of subdivision of land. Comparative sources, namely the United States of America, specifically the states of Oregon and Hawaii, Western Australia and the province of British Columbia, Canada indicate that the regulation of agricultural subdivisions is a valid means of protecting agricultural land. If the Act can continue to exist without its legacy of apartheid and still serves a legitimate and necessary purpose it will have to be constitutionally compliant. The purpose of the Act and the means used to realise it were tested against the Bill of Rights. The effect that the regulation has particularly on ownership entitlements was examined against section 25(1) of the 1996 Constitution. Similarly, the consequences of the regulation with regard to other rights in the Bill of Rights were investigated. The conclusion was that where the Subdivision of Agricultural Land Act is used for its purpose of preventing the uneconomic subdivision of agricultural land, in the national interest, it is a legitimate land-use regulation that can continue to justifiably operate in a constitutional dispensation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alle onderverdelings van landbougrond in die Republiek van Suid-Afrika word gereguleer deur die Wet op die Onderverdeling van Landbougrond 70 van 1970. Die verklaarde doel van die Wet is om die totstandkoming van onekonomiese landboueenhede te voorkom, en hierdie doel word bereik deurdat die Minister van Landbou, Bosbou en Visserye (“Minister van Landbou”) toestemming moet verleen vir die voorgestelde onderverdeling van landbougrond. Die Wet is in die 1970s gepromulgeer toe grond in Suid-Afrika in terme van ras verdeel was. Die destydse apartheidsregering het die regstelsel gebruik om voordele vir die blanke minderheidsgroep te bewerkstellig, terwyl die regte van nie-blankes ingeperk was. Dit is die sosiale en politieke agtergrond waarteen die Wet op die Onderverdeling van Landbougrond tot stand gekom het. Die Wet was deel van ‘n wetgewende raamwerk waarbinne voordele vir blanke boere geskep is. Meer as ‘n dekade na apartheid en die totstandkoming van ‘n demokratiese Suid-Afrika is die Wet op die Onderverdeling van Landbougrond steeds in werking. Die post-apartheid wetgewer het die Wet op die Herroepping van die Wet op die Onderverdeling van Landbougrond 64 van 1998 gepromulgeer, maar nog nie in werking gestel nie. Gedurende 2003 het die wetgewer die “Draft Sustainable Utilisation of Agricultural Resources Bill”, wat onderafdelings soortgelyk aan die bepalings in die Wet op die Onderverdeling van Landbougrond bevat, gepromulgeer. Bogenoemde stappe het onsekerheid geskep ten opsigte van die stand van onderverdeling van landbougrond. In 2008 het die Konstitusionele Hof beslis dat die Wet op die Onderverdeling van Landbougrond sal voortgaan om die onderverdeling van landbougrond te reguleer totdat die wetgewer uitsluitsel oor die aangeleentheid verskaf. Die doel van die tesis is om die uitwerking van die Wet op die Onderverdeling van Landbougrond te analiseer as deel van die huidige grondwetlike bedeling, aangesien dit geskep is tydens die apartheidsera. Indien die Wet nie van sy apartheidskonteks geskei of gered kan word nie sal die Herroepping Wet in werking gestel moet word. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die doel van die Wet, naamlik die regulering van die onderverdeling van landbougrond, van die voor-konstitusionele agtergrond in die apartheidsera geskei kan word en dat dit kan voortgaan om die wettige regulering van onderverdeling van landbougrond te regverdig. Regsvergelykende bronne, naamlik die Verenigde State van Amerika, veral die state van Oregon en Hawaii, Wes Australië en Brits-Columbië, ‘n provinsie van Kanada, dui aan dat die regulasie van die onderverdeling van landbougrond ‘n regsgeldige metode is om landbougrond te beskerm. Die doel van die Wet en die metodes wat gebruik word om hierdie doel te laat realiseer is getoets teen die Handves van Menseregte. Die uitwerking van die regulasie op die inhoudsbevoegdhede van die eienaar is spesifiek geëvalueer teen artikel 25(1) van die 1996 Grondwet, maar die gevolge van die regulasie is ook getoets teen ander regte in die Handves van Menseregte. Die gevolgtrekking was dat waar die Wet op die Onderverdeling van Landbougrond gebruik word met die doel om onekonomiese onderverdeling van landbougrond te verhoed in die nasionale belang, dit ‘n legitieme regulasie van grondgebruik is waarvan die gebruik steeds regverdigbaar is in ‘n grondwetlike bedeling.

This thesis provides an extensive look at where permitted non-farm uses and dwellings have clustered within Exclusive Farm Use (EFU) zones in the Northern Willamette Valley in Oregon. There is a looming concern that non-farm related uses and dwellings, or non-farm development, are conflicting with agricultural preservation strategies. Specifically, non-farm developments can potentially undermine the critical mass of farmland needed to keep the agricultural economy sustainable, but until now, studies have lacked spatially precise data to systematically track these phenomena. This thesis offers methodological contributions towards analyzing these operations and presents a broad account of what has been occurring in the region. Using permit approval data from the Department of Land Conservation and Development (DLCD) and 2015 county tax lot shapefiles, I geocoded the locations of these uses and dwellings. I used location quotient and spatial autocorrelation coefficients to identify non-farm hotspots in the region and summarized different typologies that have developed. The findings reveal that viticulture operations have amassed near Dundee and Newberg in Yamhill County, while commercial activities and home occupations have clustered near the Salem-Keizer UGB. Concurrently, dwellings have clustered near the Yamhill-Polk County border. Finally, I offer suggestions to improve Oregon's agricultural land use policy and data management process, as well as advocate for more intensive research in the future to generate narratives for our results.

No description available.

This study investigates the potential economic impact of a land tax implemented in terms of the Local Government Municipal Property Rates Act No. 6 of 2004 (“the LGMPRA”) on selected commercial farms in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) using individual farm data for the period 2001-2006. The study first presents a brief history of land taxes around the world, describing the origins, prevalence and rates of land tax in the United States of America (USA), Australia, Britain and some Nordic countries. This sets the background for a brief history of land taxation in South Africa up to the implementation of the LGMPRA. The study then identifies the economic effects of a land tax, highlighting issues such as the capitalization of a land tax, relevant views of this tax, valuation methodologies, the advantages and disadvantages of a land tax, and the effects of a land tax on future capital investment on farms. Thirdly, the study presents key provisions in the LGMPRA pertaining to farmers with regard to land tax rebates, reductions and exemptions, farmland valuations and the determination of a land tax rate. The effect and applicability of these rebates, reductions and exemptions on the effective land tax rate are also discussed. Fourthly, the study uses a Residual Income Methodology (RIM) framework to estimate the annual economic profit (return to risk and land excluding capital gains) for five different case study farms in the Mtonjaneni and Umgeni municipal districts of KZN. This RIM framework makes allowance for the opportunity cost of management in estimating annual economic profit. These case studies are typical of the main farming enterprises in KZN such as sugarcane, timber, intensive poultry, intensive dairy, cattle, maize and potatoes. Sensitivity analysis is then applied to assess the effect of land tax rates ranging from 0.5% to 5% of the market value of land and fixed improvements on the five farms’ ability to pay a land tax after accounting for rebates proposed by the Department: Provincial and Local Government (DPLG). The estimated mean annual rate of return to risk and land (excluding capital gains) prior to the land tax for the five case study farms during 2001-2006 ranged from -8.50% to 2.94%, with an average of -1.74%. The case farms’ ability to pay a land tax rate of 1% on the value of improved land with and without proposed DPLG rebates from annual current operating returns ranged from zero to five out of five years, with an average of two out of five years. A 2% land tax rate with such rebates could be financed using annual current operating returns also only in two out of five years on average. These results suggest that land taxes at the proposed rates of 1.5% (Mtonjaneni) or 1% (Umgeni) on these specific farms would markedly reduce the incentive to invest in farm improvements These results also indicate that further research in KZN and other provinces in South Africa needs to be conducted to help ascertain the effects of the implementation of the LGMPRA in other municipalities. / Thesis (M.Agric.Man.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2007.

The aim of the study was to find benefits derived from the natural propagation and the use of guava plants and fruit by people living in rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal, looking at guava as a source of food, income, medicinal uses, shade, a source of fuel and use for agricultural purposes like fencing; and also assessing Conservation of the Agricultural Resource Act (CARA), Act 43 of 1983 relating to guava plant as invasive species. The Act states that all alien invader species and weeds should be controlled or removed depending on the category. CARA states that plants in category one are declared as alien invasive plants and are not allowed to grow on the land or appear on the water surface. Plants under this category may not be transported or allowed to disperse e.g. Psidium x durbanensis (Durban guava). Category two plants are invader species that have a potential value, plants that are used by the people as a source of income and food. These species can be retained if they grow in special areas demarcated for the purpose (an orchard). If these species are found outside demarcated areas they are to be removed e.g. Psidium guava (guava). Category three species are mostly plants with ornamental value which are not allowed to occur anywhere unless they were already in existence when the regulation came into effect e.g. Psidium guineense (brazillian guava) and Psidium cattleianum (strawberry guava). The study focused on selected areas of KwaZulu-Natal,: Umgungundlovu district municipality (Richmond local municipality) and Uthungulu district municipality. Richmond represented the midlands areas and Uthungulu the coastal areas to reflect two different areas of KwaZulu-Natal. To investigate this study the researcher used telephonic interviews with 23 Extension officials, questionnaires to guide focus group discussions which were conducted with 28 community groups that were involved in guava usage. Informal observation surveys were also carried out with five markets (stall holders) selling guava and guava products. Informal observations in two supermarkets and two home industries were also conducted. The results showed that people in rural areas still use this resource (guava) as a source of fuel (wood), medicine (especially the leaves and bark), fruit for own consumption (either processed or raw) and income generation. The impact of the legislation on rural poor communities is negative as guavas sustain livelihoods and the costs of applying for permits are prohibitive. People are illiterate yet they have to apply for special permits to plant this useful species because the regulation stipulates that guava plants must be controlled if dispersed outside demarcated areas. / Thesis (M.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.

Labour legislation was introduced into agriculture in the early 1990s with the Basic Conditions of Employment Act (BCEA) being gazetted in 1992. Since the mid-1990s "new" labour legislation pertaining to agriculture has been implemented in South Africa, and includes the Basic Conditions of Employment Act 75 of 1997 (amended), the Unemployment Insurance Act 63 of 2001 (amended), the Labour Relations Act (LRA) 66 of 1995, the Land Reform (Labour Tenants) Act 3 of 1996, the Extension of Security of Tenure Act 62 of 1997, the Employment Equity Act 55 of 1998, the Skills Development Levies Act 9 of 1999, and the Sectoral Determination (an amendment of the BCEA 75 of 1997) which includes the imposition of minimum wages. This study examines the legislation in detail as well as the implications of this legislation for agricultural labour employment in South Africa. A relative increase in the cost (transaction and wage) and risk associated with labour motivates farmers to replace labour with machinery, machinery contractors, labour contractors or new technologies that are labour-saving. This results in a decrease in the demand for unskilled workers and higher levels of poverty and unemployment in South Africa. This study estimates long-run price elasticities of demand for regular labour in South African (SA) agriculture using both Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression and a Two-stage Least Squares (2SLS) simultaneous equations model. The 2SLS model includes a labour supply equation. Secondary data obtained over a 43 year period (1960-2002) from Statistics South Africa and the Abstract of Agricultural Statistics were used in this study. Both models were estimated for the period 1960-2002, and included a piecewise slope dummy variable for wages with the threshold year taken as 1991 to reflect expected changes in farm labour legislation. Study results show that the estimated long-run price elasticity of demand for labour for the pre-1991 (i.e., 1960-1990) period was -0,25 for the OLS model and -0,23 for the 2SLS model suggesting that the demand for regular labour was jnelastic during this period. For the post-1991 period (1991-2002), the long-run elasticity was estimated as -1,32 for the OLS model and -1,34 for the 2SLS model. This shows a structural change in demand that questions the appropriateness of minimum wage and other labour legislation that has raised the cost of regular farm labour in South Africa. Labour legislation introduced in the early 1990s encouraged farmers to substitute casual workers for regular workers. However, the inclusion of all casual workers in minimum wage legislation from 2006 is expected to slow the casualisation of agricultural labour as farmers turn to labour contractors, chemicals and machinery as the next best substitutes. The study found that an increase (decrease) in the price of chemicals (pesticides and herbicides for crops, and labour saving dips and sprays for animals) result in an increase (decrease) in the demand for regular labour. The demand for labour is also sensitive to changes in real interest rates (used as a proxy for machinery costs). The cost of capital would decrease (increase) as interest rates fall (rise), resulting in farmers adopting more (less) machinery and equipment, causing a decrease (increase) in the demand for regular labour, ceteris paribus. In order to reverse the regular labour unemployment trend in SA agriculture, government could choose to adopt more flexible labour market regulations (i.e., legislation regarding the hiring and dismissing of farm workers, and increases in wages and benefits for the farm worker could be based on the individual performance of each worker as opposed to increasing the wages of the entire workforce through minimum wages) which would reduce labour costs and encourage farmers to employ more labour. / Thesis (M.Agric.Man.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2006.

Summaries in English and Afrikkans / The aim of this thesis is to investigate the labour law position of South African farm workers. For three and a half centuries farm workers constituted the most neglected group in the South African labour force. Consequently, an understanding of their present position can only be obtained by investigating their labour history. As in other parts of the world, farm workers in South Africa held a subordinate position to agricultural employers. Discrimination against black persons added to the inferior socio-economic and political position of South African farm workers. White farmers occupied a strong political position during most of the time under investigation, which enabled them to institute and apply discriminatory legislation and informal methods to overcome labour shortages. The freedom of movement of black people and their access to land were restricted to create a cheap immobile labour force. During the 20th century farmers prevented the inclusion of farm workers in labour legislation by exercising their political influence. Pressure by industrial trade unions and encouragement by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) resulted in the adoption of the Agricultural Labour Act which made labour legislation applicable to farm workers, but precluded them from striking and made allowance for longer working hours than for industrial workers. The new political dispensation facilitated the inclusion of farm workers in general labour legislation without any discriminatory exceptions and land reform legislation now protects farm workers against arbitrary evictions. A bill of rights furthermore guarantees the rights of farm workers which were previously violated. It would superficially seem that farm workers' problems are something of the past. Farm workers, however, remain handicapped in exercising their new rights by historical factors and circumstances peculiar to the agricultural sector. Legal comparison with Ontario and California confirms that legislation alone is insufficient to empower farm workers. It is recommended that the government amend existing legislation to accommodate the special needs of farm workers and that relevant ILO conventions, especially Convention 141 of 1975, be ratified to aid the development of unions for farm workers. This will contribute to the empowerment of and social justice for farm workers. / Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die arbeidsregtelike posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers te ondersoek. Plaaswerkers was vir drie en 'n half eeue die mees afgeskeepte groep in die Suid-Afrikaanse werksmag. Om die huidige posisie van plaaswerkers te begryp is dus slegs moontlik deur 'n bestudering van die regsgeskiedenis van plaaswerkers. Soos in ander werelddele beklee plaaswerkers in Suid-Afrika 'n minderwaardige posisie teenoor landbouwerkgewers. Diskriminasie teenoor swartpersonehet bygedra tot die sosio-ekonomiese en polities minderwaardige posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers. Blanke boere het gedurende die grootste deel van die tydperk onder bespreking 'n sterk politiese posisie beklee wat hulle in staat gestel het om diskriminerende wetgewing en informele metodes aan te wend om arbeidstekorte te bowe te kom. Swart persone se bewegingsvryheid en toegang tot grond is beperk om 'n goedkoop immobiele werksmag te vorm. Gedurende die 20ste eeu het boere se sterk politiese posisie hulle in staat gestel om te verhoed dat plaaswerkers by arbeidswetgewing ingesluit word. Druk deur industriele vakbonde en aanmoediging deur die Intemasionale Arbeidsorganisasie (IAO) het gelei tot die Wet op Landbou-arbeid waardeur arbeidswetgewing op plaaswerkers van toepassing gemaak is, maar wat plaaswerkers verbied het om te staak en wat voorsiening gemaak het vir langer werkure as vir industriele werkers. 'n Nuwe politieke bedeling het gelei tot die insluiting van plaaswerkers in algemene arbeidswetgewing sonder enige diskriminerende uitsonderings en grondhervormingswetgewing beskerm plaaswerkers nou teen arbitrere uitsettings. 'n Handves van menseregte waarborg verder die regte van plaaswerkers wat voorheen misken is. Oenskynlik is die probleme van plaaswerkers nou iets van die verlede. Plaaswerkers word egter steeds in die uitoefening van hulle nuwe regte gestrem deur historiese faktore en die eiesoortige omstandighede van die landbousektor. Regsvergelyking met Kalifomie en Ontario het aangetoon <lat wetgewing alleen nie voldoende is om plaaswerkers te bemagtig nie. Daar word aanbeveel dat die regering bestaande wetgewing wysig om voorsiening te maak vir die spesiale behoeftes van plaaswerkers en dat relevante IA0 konvensies, veral Konvensie 141 van 197 5 geratifiseer word om die ontwikkeling van vakbonde vir plaaswerkers te bevorder. Dit sal bydra tot die bemagtiging van en tot sosiale geregtigheid vir plaaswerkers / Law / LL.D.

Agriculture is a major employer of labour in South Africa with about 8.8% of the total labour force directly involved in agricultural production (StatsSA, 2007a). Farm wages and working conditions in the Albany district were researched in 1957 by Roberts (1958) and 1977 by Antrobus (1984). Research in 2008, involving face-to-face interviews of a sample survey of 40 Albany farmers, was undertaken to update the situation facing farm labourers and allowed for comparisons with the work previously done. Farm workers were governed by common law until 1994 when the government intervened with legislation. The introduction of the Basic Conditions of Employment Act (1997) for farm workers, amended in 2002 to include minimum wage legislation, and the Extension of Security of Tenure Act (ESTA) of 1997 impacted the supply and demand of farm workers. Other impacts have been due to the Albany district experiencing an increase in the establishment of Private Game Reserves and game-tourism with a simultaneous decline in conventional farming. It was concluded from the survey conducted that minimum wage legislation decreased the demand for regular and increased the demand for casual labour, which incur lower costs including transaction costs, than their regular counterparts. The ESTA of 1997 contributed to a decreased number of farm residents, which had spin-off affects on the supply of labour. Farmers experienced a simultaneous price-cost squeeze, which furthermore decreased the demand for labour. Studying the working and living conditions showed that farm workers had limited access to educational and recreational facilities which negatively impacted the supply of labour.

The Agricultural Product Standards Act, 1990 (Act 119 of 1990) of South Africa provides for the standardisation of quality norms for agricultural produce (DAFF, 2018). The purpose of this research was to investigate the quality and compliance of fresh produce sold in the Tshwane metropolis with the Agricultural Product Standards Act of South Africa. A cross-sectional study survey was conducted in six regions of Tshwane metropolis, in which 200 fresh produce vendors were randomly selected from various vending sites to analyse their level of knowledge regarding the Act. Furthermore, different fruits and vegetables were sampled from different vending sites and inspected for compliance with the Act.The vast majority (89%) of respondents did not know of the existence of the Act. Quite a small proportion of fruit (51.5 %) and vegetable (56 %) retailers indicated that their agricultural fruit products have been monitored. A large proportion of fruits (from 86% to 99.8%) and vegetables (from 85.4% to 97.5%) met all the various quality requirements. In general a fair proportion of fruits (58%) and vegetables (65%) complied highly with the Act in terms of quality. There was a significant positive correlation between monitoring by officials and the level of compliance. The Department of Agriculture Forestry and Fisheries should make sure that farmers and street vendors of agricultural produce register their businesses and are trained on the interpretation of the provisions of the Agricultural Product Standards Act. This will allow them to be tracked and traced for proper development concerning matters related to the Act. / Life and Consumer Sciences / M.A. (Consumer Science)