Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2016-07-14T16:31:28Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) TESE David Barbosa de Oliveira.pdf: 1920291 bytes, checksum: 39604e3439698062f64d60d5ed6005ea (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-14T16:31:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) TESE David Barbosa de Oliveira.pdf: 1920291 bytes, checksum: 39604e3439698062f64d60d5ed6005ea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-12 / Este trabalho possui como objetivo analisar a disputa do sentido das anistias políticas dentro do Estado, observando para tanto os discursos e práticas de ampliação e de restrição dos direitos dos militares anistiados políticos. Os discursos de ampliação dos direitos dos anistiados são analisados no Ministério da Justiça ao passo que as práticas e discursos de restrição dos direitos dos anistiados acontecem no Ministério da Defesa. A pesquisa também se deita sobre as representações que militares alinhados aos dois tipos de discurso possuem sobre a anistia a fim de entender melhor as características desses discursos. Além dos discursos e práticas de ampliação/restrição dos direitos dos anistiados, nos interessa também perscrutar os diálogos que esses discursos e práticas possibilitam com outras esferas estatais. Para lograr êxito nessa pesquisa lançamos mão de referenciais metodológicos que possibilitem analisar os textos, gêneros, discursos e práticas de modo a perceber os direcionamentos ideológicos realizados por cada grupo. Deste modo, a metodologia tem estribo na Análise de Discurso Crítica (ADC) de Norman Fairclough e na teoria de Mikhail Bakhtin. Nos apoiamos na ADC em razão de nos possibilitar analisar os aspectos ideológicos e as lutas de poder que podem ser identificadas nos discursos e práticas sociais. Já Mikhail Bakhtin favorece pensar as repercussões dos textos e práticas do Ministério da Justiça e do Ministério da Defesa com outras esferas estatais, como, por exemplo, o judiciário. Percebemos que a disputa pelo sentido da anistia se dá não só nos aparelhos estatais, mas a sociedade e seus movimentos também estão igualmente disputando esse sentido, que longe de possuir uma natureza jurídica, é construída em meio as disputas que os grupos e seus discursos desejam hegemonizar. / The purpose of this work is to analyze the dispute about the sense of political amnesties within the State, observing both speeches and expansion practices and restriction of the rights of military political amnesty. The expansion speeches of the rights granted to amnesty are analyzed in the Ministry of Justice while the practices and restriction speeches of the rights of amnesty happen in the Ministry of Defense. The survey also lies on the representations that military aligned with both types of speech have on the amnesty in order to better understand the characteristics of these speeches. In addition to the discourses and practices of extension / restriction of the rights of amnesty, we are also interested in peer dialogs that these discourses and practices interact with other state spheres. To achieve success in this research, we lay hold of methodological frameworks that allow analyzing the protests, genres, discourses and practices in order to realize the ideological directions made by each group. Thus, the methodology has stirrup in Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) by Norman Fairclough and the theory of Mikhail Bakhtin. We are supported by the CDA due to enabling us to analyze the ideological aspects and the power struggles that can be identified in the discourses and social practices. On the other hand, Mikhail Bakhtin favors thinking about the repercussions of the texts and practices of the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Defense with other state sectors, such as the judiciary. We have realize that the dispute for the meaning of amnesty is true not only in the state apparatus, but also in society and its movements are equally contending that sense, that far from possessing a legal nature, it is built amid the disputes that the groups and their speeches wish to make it a commonplace.

Submitted by Marlene Santos (marlene.bc.ufg@gmail.com) on 2016-09-01T20:31:45Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Mayara Paiva de Souza - 2016.pdf: 4247150 bytes, checksum: 5be8768aff2584392e78ffd9e36ecf14 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-09-05T13:20:12Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Mayara Paiva de Souza - 2016.pdf: 4247150 bytes, checksum: 5be8768aff2584392e78ffd9e36ecf14 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-05T13:20:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Mayara Paiva de Souza - 2016.pdf: 4247150 bytes, checksum: 5be8768aff2584392e78ffd9e36ecf14 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-27 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / This doctoral dissertation aims at analyzing the debates on amnesty and the uses of past in the Brazilian Constituent Assemblies set up after the dictatorial regimes: Estado Novo (1937- 1945) and the Military Dictatorship (1964-1985). Through analysis of the processes of amnesty from 1945 to 1979 debated in the Constituent Assemblies, this work has long striven to argue that it is possible to apprehend the process of memory management elaborated within the two dictatorial periods. The debates have elucidated that the past was negotiated, reinterpreted and propagated during a process of political transition which sought to lead the country out of a discretionary regime and into a consolidation of a democratic era. Between the remembrance and the forgetfulness – by means of constant negotiations around amnesty –, the game stands forward and the political strategy to men who were involved in the rise of a new regime in the country. Hence, the dictatorial past was negotiated as from political and memorial clashes established during the context of transition which culminated in the plenary of the Constituent Assemblies. By the debates risen over amnesty as well as the analysis of the Journals, Annals, magazines and memorialistic works of the Constituent Assemblies the magazines and memorialistic, this dissertation is highly committed, therefore, to assess the strategies, the negotiations and, also, the interpretation about the past in these two periods. In addition, this work is concerned with investigating the uses of the past in the matter of the political clashes, silences and noises which together have left their marks, scars and unsolved questions. Otherwise stated, this work can be taken as a complex interlocution settled down between the memory and history realms. / Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar os debates acerca da anistia e os usos do passado nas duas Assembleias Constituintes instaladas no Brasil após os regimes ditatoriais, isto é, o Estado Novo (1937-1945) e a Ditadura Militar (1964-1985). Ao analisar os processos de anistia de 1945 e de 1979 discutidos nas Assembleias Constituintes, pretende-se desenvolver a tese de que é possível apreender, por meio dos debates, o processo de gestão da memória elaborado nos dois períodos ditatoriais. A partir de tais debates podemos perceber como o passado foi posto em negociação, reinterpretado e difundido em meio a um processo de transição política que visava à passagem de um regime discricionário para a consolidação de um regime democrático. Por meio das negociações em torno da anistia o jogo entre a lembrança e o esquecimento aparece como estratégia política para aqueles homens envolvidos na construção de um novo regime político no país. Dessa forma o passado ditatorial foi negociado a partir dos embates políticos e embates de memória que foram travados no contexto da transição e culminaram no plenário das Constituintes instaladas no ocaso das ditaduras. Dentro desse quadro, a partir dos Diários e Anais das Assembleias Constituintes, bem como de periódicos e obras memorialísticas, pretende-se avaliar, por intermédio dos debates acerca da anistia, as estratégias e negociações em torno do passado, e de sua interpretação, nos dois períodos. Assim, analisamos os usos do passado: os embates políticos, os silêncios e ruídos que deixaram marcas, cicatrizes e questões que ainda hoje aguardam respostas. Interlocução complexa que se situa entre o terreno da memória e da história.

O objeto central desta dissertação foram as relações estabelecidas, entre 1975 e 1979, entre os movimentos pela anistia e o Estado. Trabalhou-se especificamente com a relação da aprovação da lei 6.683/79 e a dinâmica da transição brasileira, buscando compreender como as ações dos movimentos influenciaram a agenda de abertura elaborada pela ditadura. A partir da hipótese inicial, de que os defensores da anistia produziram diferentes significados para a luta, analisei: o Movimento Feminino Pela Anistia, o Comitê Brasileiro pela Anistia, as mobilizações dos exilados, o pronunciamento do General Figueiredo e a atuação de parlamentares do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro e da Aliança Renovadora Nacional. Nas disputas empreendidas por esses agentes ficou evidente uma tensão entre o sentido de anistia como esquecimento e da anistia como rememoração. O sentido de esquecimento, conciliação e pacificação, foi elaborado por parte da oposição e incorporado à agenda oficial da transição. A aprovação da anistia foi uma resposta ao amplo ciclo de mobilizações populares empreendidas no final dos anos 1970. A estratégia foi dividir a oposição e trazer a disputa para o campo institucional. Para isso, foi aprovada a lei partidária, que canalizou os esforços militantes para essa atuação. Ficou relegada ao segundo plano a investigação das violações de direitos humanos e a responsabilização dos agentes da ditadura. Tais lacunas foram fundamentais para a construção do Estado Democrático Brasileiro. / The main subject of this thesis is the connections, established from 1975 to 1979, between the State and the movements for amnesty. Particularly, I have worked with the connection between the approval of law 6683/79 and the dynamics of transition in Brazil, aiming to comprehend how the actions of these movements have influenced the democratization agenda implemented by the dictatorship. From the initial hypothesis that the fight for amnesty took on various meanings inside each advocate group, I have analyzed: The Womens Movement for Amnesty, the Brazilian Committee for Amnesty, the various mobilizations carried out by the exiles, General Figueiredos speech, and the work of congressmen from the Brazilian Democratic Movement and the National Renewal Alliance Party. During the disputes undertaken by these agents, a tension between the meaning of amnesty as forgetting or amnesty as remembering became clear. The interpretation of amnesty as forgetting, reconciliation and appeasement was developed by part of the opposition and incorporated to the transitions official agenda. The approval of amnesty was a response to the extensive series of popular mobilizations that took place in the late 1970s. The strategy was to divide the opposition and move the dispute into the institutional field. To that end, the political party law was approved, channeling militant efforts towards that area. Investigating human rights violations and imputing responsibility to the agents of dictatorship was relegated to the background. These omissions were essential to the construction of the Brazilian Democratic State.

[pt] O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar os acontecimentos transcorridos nos postos indígenas do estado de Minas Gerais – o Posto Indígena Guido Marlière (PIGM) e o Posto Indígena Mariano de Oliveira (PIMO) – durante a ditadura civil-militar, sobretudo entre os anos de 1967 e 1973, período no qual a Ajudância Minas-Bahia (AJMB), responsável pela administração desses postos, ficou sob o comando da Polícia Militar de Minas Gerais (PMMG). Nesse período, foi construído um reformatório para índios considerados delinquentes transferidos de várias regiões do país para o território demarcado ao povo indígena Krenak; foi formada uma tropa militarizada de policiais-indígenas conhecida como Guarda Rural Indígena (GRIN); e, finalmente, foi realizada a transferência forçada dos Krenak e dos confinados no reformatório para uma propriedade da PMMG chamada Fazenda Guarani. Esses acontecimentos atingiram diretamente a cultura política Krenak, levando o Ministério Público Federal (MPF) a pleitear uma inédita anistia política coletiva em prol do povo indígena Krenak junto ao Ministério da Justiça no ano de 2015. Essa dissertação procura descrever esses processos à luz de um conjunto de documentos colhidos em pesquisas no acervo do Museu do Índio e do Centro de Referência Indígena do portal Armazém Memória, sobretudo aqueles que permitem conhecer o funcionamento do órgão tutelar (primeiro o Serviço de Proteção ao Índio – SPI – e posteriormente a Fundação Nacional do Índio – FUNAI) naquela região, onde ocorriam frequentes conflitos fundiários. / [en] This text aims to analyse the main facts which happened at Indigenous posts of Minas Gerais State- The Indigenous Post Guido Marliere (PIGM) and the Indigenous Post Mariano de Oliveira (PIMO)- during the civil-military dictatorship, mainly between 1967 and 1973, time in which the Ajudância Minas-Bahia (AJMB), responsible for administrating the mentioned posts, was under Military Police of Minas Gerais State s control (PMMG). During this time one reformatory was built for said offenders indians be transferred from several regions of the Country to the defined territory of Krenak indians. A militarised troop was organised with police Indians known as Rural Indigenous Guard (GRIN). All the Krenaks and the ones confined in the reformatory were forced to move to a PMMG s property know as Guarani Farm. These facts directly hit Krenak s political culture, leading the Ministério Público Federal (MPF) pleading an unique collective political amnesty to benefit the Krenak indigenous people. This litigation was submitted to Minister of Justice in 2015. This text describes all these processes under the lights of researched documents stored at Indian s Museum and Indigenous Centre of Reference collections both part of Armazem Memoria portal, mainly the ones which allow knowing how tutelary institutions such as initially SPI (Serviço de Proteção ao Índio) and later FNI (Fundação Nacional do Índio) worked in that region, where several conflicts over land had happened.

D.Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Dissertation Title: Transforming Violent Masculinities: Nigeria's Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Programme in the Niger Delta Abstract Gender mainstream in security studies has been erroneously equated with the introduction of women in security practices. Hence, gender analysis of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programmes have largely underestimated the importance of also considering men's gender identity. Breaking this pattern, this dissertation examines the ability of the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration approach adopted in the Niger Delta to change or consolidate violent masculinities among ex-combatants. The selected case study is of special relevance to the topic at hand since the conflict in the Niger Delta has been partly attributed to the constructions of masculinity that prevail in this Nigerian region. Following previous research in the field of critical masculinities and feminist peacebuilding, the paper reveals that the transformative potential of the Presidential Amnesty Programme is extremely limited, exclusively offering a way of expressing positive masculinities as part of the economy. This is the result of the Nigerian government's decision to adopt a minimalist approach to DDR that pays full attention to ex-combatants as individuals rather...

The South African Truth Commission was different to any other commission held in the past. The Commission had to balance the scales between a painful past and a peaceful future. The task in itself was not an easy one, considering the fact that the apartheid years spanned over many decades. It certainly was not an easy task to maintain a balance between blanket amnesty and legal prosecutions. This middle of the road policy leveled much criticism from all sides, ranging form political parties to victims and their families and the general public. However, the policy on amnesty was a crucial aspect in balancing the past with that of the future. Although the TRC had achieved its objectives, it had many shortcomings ranging from its original mandate, its workings right through to the final recommendations. The scope of the Commission was far too wide considering the fact that they had to cover human rights abuses spanning over the years 1960 to 1994. The mandated period for them to complete their task was very limited if one considers the fact that this was a unique Commission and many people had to be trained to carry out tasks especially on lower levels. The Committees established by the Commission did not have clear methods of working and the coordination between them was poor. The methodology followed by the TRC was flawed but we need to take time and consider the enormity of the task at hand. It was not only a transitional phase for the people of South Africa but for the new government as well. The TRC was not a well planned process. However one has to also consider that accountability had to be done as soon as possible or it would have lost its essence. Issues had to be faced as soon as possible. The Commission also received criticism for allowing religion into its doors, mainly Christian theology. However, in some ways, one has to consider the fact that most people who were affected by apartheid were Christian and they found comfort in the practice of the Commission. The National Party had to be accountable and yes, as leaders they should have apologized for what had happened. This should have been a point of issue for the Commission and one of the areas where they had failed to act. Notwithstanding all the negative aspects of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission much positivism brought to the country as a whole, sections of society and to individuals. Nothing short of a miracle can heal a country. The terms of reconciliation, forgiving and healing became acceptable terms to many who were affected by the period of apartheid. South African history was given an opportunity to be recorded. People were given an opportunity to clear their conscious and find peace in truth. For the first time it was possible to see beyond the pain that many had suffered. As a country we would have been much poorer had the truth not been told. I believe it was truly a necessary part of our history. Copyright / Dissertation (MHCS)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

Magister Legum - LLM / The Rome Statute established the International Criminal Court (the ICC) in July 2002 and South Africa was one of the first signatories. South Africa incorporated this statute into its domestic law by enacting the Implementation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court Act 27 of 2002 (the Implementation Act). The preamble and article 1 of the Rome Statute, provides that the jurisdiction of the ICC is ‘complementary’ to national courts and that, therefore, States Parties retain the primary responsibility for the repression of international crimes.

Syftet med uppsatsen var att undersöka vilka retoriska strategier som används i texter publicerade på djurrättsorganisationen Djurens Rätts respektive människorättsorganisationen Amnestys webbsida, och vilka likheter och skillnader det finns organisationernas argumentation emellan. Vidare bestod metoden av en deskriptiv argumentationsanalys med utgångspunkt i fem olika argumentationstyper. Resultatet påvisade likheter vad gäller förekomsten av orsaks-och konsekvensargument, exempelargument och analogiargument medan märkbara skillnader fanns i anknytning till auktoritetsargument och regelargument. Skillnaderna skulle till viss del kunna förklaras i relation till Djurens Rätts och Amnestys olika arbetsområden samt de kontraster som finns vad gäller social och juridisk status mellan djurs respektive människors rättigheter. Slutligen är det möjligt att likheterna i organisationernas reotrik beror på likartade arbetssätt och syften.

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