A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, 1999. / King Mpande Ka Senzangakhona was the third in succession in the dynasty of "martial" Zulu potentates whose military valour transformed small clans into a single powerful nation. The evolvement of the ideal of nationhood among the Zulu people ruled by Mpande had its origin in the praises of his father Senzangakhona Ka Jama. When the specialist declaimer of praises said that, "a cord of destiny let us weave, O Menzi scion of Jama, That to universes beyond the reach of spirit-forms, we may ascend" , he was indicating that Zulus were people whose destiny was to traverse the universe and transform the human being into a conscious citizen of the cosmic order (in South-east Africa). King Shaka, Mpande's half-brother, adopted the ideal of this court-poet as the main inspiration of the revolution which he led after the death of Senzangakhona. It was the ideological blueprint on which he built the Zulu nation. Born in about 1798 Mpande was the son of Senzangakhona and queen Songiya of the Hlabisa clan. The Zulu lineage largely begotten by Mpande, the first king to have children, became a royal group with high status. Mpande decreed that all children begotten by members of the Zulu royal family be referred to as abantwana (princes and princesses). Nevertheless, Mpande began on a very precarious footing. In his youth he was plagued by umchoboka (skin dermatitis). His predecessors and contemporaries viewed him as indolent, inept, obese and even cowardly. Most historical accounts referred to Mpande's inferior genealogical status, cowardice, physical and mental deficiencies. On the contrary, Mpande was a recruited warrior and had been incorporated into the regiments on the death of Senzangakhona in 1816. He retained a submissive role during the next few years, thereby creating an impression that he would not contend for the kingship. The source of Mpande's strength could be traced from his name. It comes from a Zulu word impande meaning "root". The symbolic meaning of a root is that it is a source of life. In Senzangakhona's calculations Mpande was to be the source, strength and growth of the nation. This bore truth in that Zulu potentates whose genius earned the nation dignity and pride, descended from his direct line. It could be that Senzangakhona had a premonition of his son's reign by naming him Mpande. King Shaka also gave Mpande the responsibility of fathering a son. This could be viewed as an underlying factor in Mpande's becoming a natural successor to the Zulu throne. By 1837, Mpande had built up a substantial personal following living with him at Mlambongwenya homestead of his father in the Eshowe district . Here he lived a peaceful life fearless of possible invasion from adversaries. It also precluded his half-brother Dingane from embarking upon the same kind of purges as he did against his other half-brothers and potential rivals. Mpande became king of the Zulu nation in 1840 and while he reigned during the epoch that was devoid of full-scale conventional wars, he had to live through times when sporadic attacks were the rallying point of relations between members of the Nguni-speaking communities such as Xhosa, Swazi and Mpondo. Unlike his progenitors Mpande waged few wars abroad. He dispatched Zulu regiments to raid the cattle of the Swazi, Bapedi, Hlubi, AmaNgwe and AbakwaNkosi. Mpande also intervened in a succession dispute in Maputoland. The style of Mpande's military expeditions was not different to that of his predecessors. His campaigns were followed up with a re-vitalization of the Shakan amabutho (regiments) control system and building of new amakhanda (establishment erected and occupied by the amabutho, containing in addition a harem) around his palace of Nodwengu. In the late 1840's the success of Mpande's military campaigns was restricted by sporadic interference by both the Voortrekkers and the British of Natal. Relations between Mpande and the Voortrekkers of the Republic of Natalia began on 15 January 1839 when Mpande met the Voortrekker leaders on the banks of Thukela River. The head of the Volksraad, Andries Pretorius engaged in cordial conversation with Mpande. Pretorius realised that declaring Voortrekker friendship with Mpande would ensure their security against possible invasion from the north of Thukela. Such declaration laid the foundation for the battle of Maqongqo hills, which took place on 29 January 1840. In that war, the regiments of Dingane were defeated by those of Mpande. After a protracted battle at Maqongqo, (29 January 1840) Andries Pretorius and some members of the Volksraad arranged a meeting with Mpande. They met Mpande on 10 February 1840 and installed him as king. This happened after the Zulu nation had already crowned him king on 5 February 1840. He was persuaded to take an oath before the Volksraad, acknowledging the supremacy of the Volksraad, undertaking to rule KwaZulu in peace and maintaining cordial relations with the Voortrekkers. Mpande was then honoured with a praise name, "Prince of the Emigrant Zulus". In acceptance of the terms of friendship and defence between himself and the Voortrekkers Mpande said, "If one would do anything to your disfavour or disadvantage, you can only let me know and be assured that I will hurry to your assistance with my whole army and I will sacrifice my last men for you." On 14 February 1840 Pretorius issued a proclamation whereby the territory from the sea next to the Black Mfolozi River, where it ran through the double mountains, close to the origin and then next to Hooge Randberg in a straight line to the Drakensberg, St. Lucia Bay inclusive was declared as border between KwaZulu and the Republic of Natalia. On the banks of the Klip River the Voortrekkers received about 36 000 head of cattle looted after the Maqongqo battle. They received an additional 15 000 head of cattle from Mpande as a token of allegiance. The Voortrekkers, convinced of Mpande's cordial disposition, agreed not to interfere with his domestic affairs. This was with the proviso that Mpande keep to the agreements regarding humanitarian principles aimed at preventing unnecessary bloodshed. During Mpande's kingship a plethora of Zulu refugees flocked to Natal south of Thukela. About 3 000 displaced Zulus and other Africans stayed in the vicinity of the harbour before the arrival of the Voortrekkers. The Voortrekkers grouped them into no less than six regional reserves. They were defecting from Mpande's rule and refused to go back to KwaZulu. With the increase of Zulu homesteads in Natal it became imperative for the Volksraad (Legislative body) of the Republic of Natalia to threaten to inflict capital punishment on those who refused to be sent back to KwaZulu. The second British occupation of Natal (1842) took place before the Republic could execute its plan. The Voortrekker plan included moving Zulu refugees to an area opposite Mzinyathi or between Mthamvuna and Mzimvubu Rivers. They could rule themselves, but as subjects of the Republic and a Voortrekker agent would oversee their affairs. The Cape Governor George Napier argued that the territory between Mzimvubu and Mzimkhulu Rivers had been ceded by inkosi (Chief) Faku of the Mpondo to the British sovereign. He regarded it as their special task to protect the Zulus to whom he pledged ''every conceivable virtue" against the Voortrekkers whom he thought intended evil due to their previous unauthorised emigration from the colony and subsequent clashes with Mzilikazi and Dingane. Napier had to strengthen the bond between the Natal colony and Natal Zulus through special agents and missionaries. He received authorisation from Imperial Minister, Lord John Russell to resume the military occupation of Natal. The negotiations, which the Voortrekkers entered into with Napier, were challenged by the proclamation of 2 December 1841. It announced the British re-occupation of Natal and claimed that the Voortrekkers were actually British renegade subjects. The proclamation also contained accusations of Voortrekker maltreatment of Mpande5s subjects in Natal. The conflict between the Voortrekkers and the British had an adverse effect on relations between Mpande and the Republic of Natalia. The Republic of Natalia was subjected to Colonel A.J. Cloete on 15 July 1842. The Voortrekkers were compelled to surrender to the British due to Mpande's promise of future assistance to the British. Cloete gave Mpande the impression that the British occupation of Natal was the defeat of the Voortrekker power to which the Zulus owed their vassalage. Mpande appeared to be pleased with the British occupation of Natal. In 1842 Mpande concluded a border agreement with the British to settle land claims from the sources of Mzinyathi (Buffalo) to its junction with the Thukela. In June 1843 Mpande realised that the influx of Zulu refugees into Natal weakened his authority. He requested the British to send the refugees and their cattle back to KwaZulu. The British ignored Mpande ?s plea and the request by the Voortrekkers that Zulu refugees be kept in locations. Next Mpande turned to the Voortrekkers who still remained in Natal and both parties agreed that Zulu refugees caused displeasure for their administrations. In 1840 there were only about 2 000 - 3 000 Zulu refugees in Natal, but by 1843 they had increased to no less than 50 000. The Zulu king denied that he had given up the area between Thukela and Mzinyathi Rivers to the British. Mpande wanted to pursue a moderate and more peaceful diplomacy. He welcomed the Voortrekkers as a buffer between his kingdom and the British. To determine the border between the Voortrekkers and the Zulus, Mpande sent a few of his headmen to the Voortrekkers. It was agreed that the whole area up to the Mzinyathi River would be occupied by the Voortrekkers. However, the British lieutenant governor Benjamin Pine viewed Mpande as a monarch with a double-agenda. He believed that Mpande promoted his own case with the ulterior object of creating dissension between the Voortrekkers and the British. Mpande wished to enter into a defensive military treaty with the Voortrekkers. This was prompted by Zulu refugees in Natal who wanted Mpande deposed and incriminated the British authorities of indifference to Mpande's alleged persecution of Zulus in KwaZulu. Mpande was also infuriated by the prolonged protection the British gave to Zulu refugees. Thus, Mpande gave permission to some Voortrekkers to occupy land strategically situated at Klip River and Utrecht to resist possible British military offensives. Simultaneously he pledged allegiance to the British colonial establishment in Natal by denying co-operation with the local Voortrekkers. This brought about conflict between the British and the Voortrekkers. William Harding, the British Surveyor-General, concluded that Mpande had practiced the grossest deceit towards the British government and that his proceedings with reference to the Voortrekkers amounted to the crime of deliberate fraud. But, Mpande extended a hand of friendship to the British colonial establishment in Natal. He diplomatically refused to give the British military assistance during the conflict with the Voortrekkers in 1842. Mpande said: 4iNo, you are now fighting for the upperhand, and whichever gains must be my master"3. The Zulu king did not assist either party, but as soon as the British troops proved themselves to be in power he sent emissaries to Colonel Cloete to say that he was about to march against the Voortrekkers. Mpande objected to British hunters and traders entering KwaZulu. He also pressed for the return of cattle that Zulu refugees took when they left his kingdom. Mpande's emissaries argued that the British had promised to return the cattle, but that only a hundred had been delivered. Mpande further expressed his need for firearms and the British troops to check Swazi provocations in the north of KwaZulu. The colonial establishment in Natal promised to ensure that no one interpose between the Zulus and the British. The British pleaded ignorance of the arrangement regarding cattle, but conceded the necessity to regulate traders entering the king's domains. The British imperialists regarded the Zulu kingdom as a menace, but were hamstrung when Mpande reaffirmed his loyalty to them. Mpande also abandoned plans for an alliance with the Voortrekkers. By pledging his support to the British, Mpande also did not necessarily cease his encouragement of the remaining Voortrekkers south of the Thukela. He hoped that keeping alive British-Voortrekker enmity would serve his own interests. 3 G.M.Theal: The Republic of Natalia, p.39. The encounters between Mpande and various Christian missionaries were presaged by sporadic attacks on mission stations by his predecessor Dingane. Mpande was not unfavourably disposed to missionary work. He gave the American Board of Commissioners, English Wesleyan Methodist Society, Norwegian Mission, Berlin Mission, Hanoverian Mission, Church of England and Roman Catholic Mission permission to settle in KwaZulu to present the Christian gospel to the Zulu people. The strategy of winning the Zulu nation en masse to Christianity- through Mpande's court did bear positive fruits. The fundamental ethical, metaphysical and social ideas of the Zulu people were disputed by doctrines preached by the missionaries. Probably to monitor their activities, Mpande repeatedly and earnestly requested that at least one missionary should reside near his headquarters, but this did not materialise. During Mpande's reign, the colonial establishments were viewed by the missionaries as super-exploiters of the Zulu people. The attitude of the Voortrekkers towards Zulu Christian proselytes (amakholwa) was negative. This antagonism of the Voortrekkers was prompted by the political ramifications that evangelization had on them. The proselytes demanded exemption from the legal liabilities the colonial authority at Pietermaritzburg had imposed on the Zulu people. These factors, however, did not deter Mpande's attempts to use missionary connections to keep colonial threats of invasion in check. Mpande's skilful diplomacy in handling different colonial establishments proved ineffective in forging unity between his hostile sons. This also stigmatized his dignity as the reigning monarch. He was the reigning monarch, but political matters in the 1850's led to challenges by the two claimants Mbuyazi and Cetshwayo. The question of Mpande5 s heir remained unsettled. The government of the Transvaal Republic (ZAR) maintained that Mpande regarded his son Cetshwayo as successor to the Zulu throne. At his palace, he whispered that Mbuyazi was heir, because his mother was presented to him by king Shaka. The British exploited Mpande's preference of Mbuyazi as his successor to the throne instead of Cetshwayo. The majority of the Zulus, however, preferred Cetshwayo as their future king, whilst the British viewed him as unacceptable due to his alleged antagonism towards White people. Internal strife culminated in the battle of Ndondakusuka on 2 December 1856. During the battle some of the British traders were compelled to leave their cattle behind on an island in the Thukela River. After the war, Mpande sent a message to Lieutenant-Governor Scott that Cetshwayo had expressed willingness to compensate traders who lost property at Ndondakusuka. The subsequent Zulu civil war of 1856 demonstrated a decline in Mpande's power and influence within the Zulu kingdom. From 1857 until his death in 1872, the Zulu kingdom and her relations with foreign powers were effectively run by Cetshwayo and Prime Minister ("Ndunankulu") Masiphula Ntshangase of Emgazini. Nevertheless, Mpande's earlier relations with both the Voortrekker and the British colonial establishments in Natal proved him a skilful diplomat rather than a warrior. Contrary to being a generally known obese Zulu potentate, Mpande possessed the skills and actions of a shrewd politician. / Human Sciences Research Council

The Commentary deals only with stylistic and linguistic matters. Textual problems are sometimes discussed, but only when they can be illuminated by points of usage. Diverse subjects are treated, but certain themes predominate. Many of the notes are concerned with the history and usage of certain words and stylistic devices down to the end of the first century A.D. Tacitus' originality and idiosyncrasies, and his indebtedness both to contemporary developments in educated usage and to the historiographical tradition, are pointed out. Archaisms, poeticisms, and words of high style are differentiated from words current among the educated classes. Tacitus' vocabulary is compared in artificiality with that of previous historians and other archaising writers of the early Empire. The Controversiae and Suasoriae of the Elder Seneca, the Institutio Oratoria of Quintilian, and the Declamations ascribed to Quintilian have been taken as evidence for the ordinary educated usage of the period.

Yes / The full-text of this article will be released for public view at the end of the publisher embargo, 24 months after first publication.

I examine how religion is presented in the Annals of Tacitus, and how it resonates with and adds complexity to the larger themes of the historian’s narrative. Memory is essential to understanding the place of religion in the narrative, for Tacitus constructs a picture of a Rome with ‘religious amnesia.’ The Annals are populated with characters, both emperors and their subjects, who fail to maintain the traditional religious practices of their forebears by neglecting prodigies and omens, committing impious murders, and even participating in the destruction of Rome’s sacred buildings. Alongside this forgetfulness of traditional religious practice runs the construction of a new memory – that of the deified Augustus – which leads to the veneration of living emperors in terms appropriate to gods. This religious narrative resonates with and illuminates Tacitean observations on the nature of power in imperial Rome. Furthermore, tracing the prominence of religious memory in the text improves our understanding of how Tacitus thinks about the past, and particularly how he thinks about the role of the historian in shaping memory for his readers. I consider various religious categories and their function in Tacitus’ writings, and how his characters interact with them: calendars (do Tacitus’ Romans preserve or change the traditional scheduling of festivals?), architecture (what determines the building of or alterations to temples and other religious monuments?), liturgy (do they worship in the same ways their ancestors did?), and images (how do they treat cult statues?). I analyze the patterns of behaviour, both in terms of ritual practice and in how Tacitus’ characters think about and interpret the supernatural, and consider how Rome’s religious past features in these patterns. The thesis is structured according to the reigns of individual emperors. Four chapters chart Tiberius’ accession, Germanicus’ death, its aftermath, and Sejanus’ rise to power; one chapter examines the religious antiquarian Claudius; and the final chapter analyzes Nero’s impieties and their consequences.

Este trabalho apresenta a tradução dos fragmentos supérstites do poema épico Anais de Quinto Ênio (239 ca. 169 a. C.). Uma seção introdutória trata de discutir o que se sabe sobre o poeta, partindo das citações dos autores antigos que a ele se referiram. Faz ainda parte dessa seção inicial um estudo sobre os Anais, observando o poema segundo as visões dos antigos e também de acordo com o que é hoje, na forma fragmentária em que chegou a nós, cujo elemento unificador se centra no trabalho filológico de críticos de todo o mundo. O cerne do trabalho consiste na tradução e anotação dos 420 fragmentos tomados à edição italiana de Valmaggi (1945). Os comentários se baseiam sobretudo nas reflexões de Skutsch (1985), Steuart (1976), Warmington (1988) e Vahlen (1967), partindo da contextualização de cada fragmento, assinalando o tema a que esteja ligado e, por conseguinte, explicando por que tal fragmento foi incluído no canto de que faz parte. Em seguida, ocupamo-nos de analisar o fragmento, ressaltando motivações estilísticas e empregos lingüísticos, em busca do significado do texto-fragmento, o que se faz com o uso de recursos diversos, como o auxílio de diferentes dicionários, a comparação da mesma palavra em distintos fragmentos dos Anais ou de outras obras enianas, ou ainda o estudo do emprego de uma palavra em contextos semelhantes de outros autores, ou em diferentes contextos de autores contemporâneos de Ênio. / This thesis presents the translation of the remaining fragments of the epic poem Annals by Quintus Ennius (239ca. 169 BC). An introductory section discusses what is known about the poet, taking the ancient authors quotes that refer to him as a starting-point. In this initial section a study on the Annals is also included; it observes the poem according to the ancients point of view and to what it is today, in the fragmentary form in which it has come down to us, the philological work of critics from all over the world being its unifying element. The kernel of this text consists of the translation and commentary of the 420 fragments taken from the Italian edition of Valmaggi (1945). The comments are based primarily on the contributions of Skutsch (1985), Steuart (1876), Warmington (1988) and Vahlen (1967), and the contextualization given to each fragment, since such procedure aids and enables my search for the theme it is connected with and thus explains why each fragment was included in the book it is part of. I then analize the fragments one by one, mark its stylistic motivations and linguistic uses, and search for the meaning of each text-fragment, which is done through diverse resources, such as the help of different dictionaries, word comparison in distinct fragments either of the Annals or other Ennius works, and the study of a words usage in similar contexts found in other authors, and in different contexts of Ennius contemporary authors.

Este trabalho apresenta a tradução dos fragmentos supérstites do poema épico Anais de Quinto Ênio (239 ca. 169 a. C.). Uma seção introdutória trata de discutir o que se sabe sobre o poeta, partindo das citações dos autores antigos que a ele se referiram. Faz ainda parte dessa seção inicial um estudo sobre os Anais, observando o poema segundo as visões dos antigos e também de acordo com o que é hoje, na forma fragmentária em que chegou a nós, cujo elemento unificador se centra no trabalho filológico de críticos de todo o mundo. O cerne do trabalho consiste na tradução e anotação dos 420 fragmentos tomados à edição italiana de Valmaggi (1945). Os comentários se baseiam sobretudo nas reflexões de Skutsch (1985), Steuart (1976), Warmington (1988) e Vahlen (1967), partindo da contextualização de cada fragmento, assinalando o tema a que esteja ligado e, por conseguinte, explicando por que tal fragmento foi incluído no canto de que faz parte. Em seguida, ocupamo-nos de analisar o fragmento, ressaltando motivações estilísticas e empregos lingüísticos, em busca do significado do texto-fragmento, o que se faz com o uso de recursos diversos, como o auxílio de diferentes dicionários, a comparação da mesma palavra em distintos fragmentos dos Anais ou de outras obras enianas, ou ainda o estudo do emprego de uma palavra em contextos semelhantes de outros autores, ou em diferentes contextos de autores contemporâneos de Ênio. / This thesis presents the translation of the remaining fragments of the epic poem Annals by Quintus Ennius (239ca. 169 BC). An introductory section discusses what is known about the poet, taking the ancient authors quotes that refer to him as a starting-point. In this initial section a study on the Annals is also included; it observes the poem according to the ancients point of view and to what it is today, in the fragmentary form in which it has come down to us, the philological work of critics from all over the world being its unifying element. The kernel of this text consists of the translation and commentary of the 420 fragments taken from the Italian edition of Valmaggi (1945). The comments are based primarily on the contributions of Skutsch (1985), Steuart (1876), Warmington (1988) and Vahlen (1967), and the contextualization given to each fragment, since such procedure aids and enables my search for the theme it is connected with and thus explains why each fragment was included in the book it is part of. I then analize the fragments one by one, mark its stylistic motivations and linguistic uses, and search for the meaning of each text-fragment, which is done through diverse resources, such as the help of different dictionaries, word comparison in distinct fragments either of the Annals or other Ennius works, and the study of a words usage in similar contexts found in other authors, and in different contexts of Ennius contemporary authors.

111 pages / The Zuozhuan 评论 (Zuo Commentaries); a narrative history of China's Spring and Autumn period (722-479 BCE), has been included among the thirteen classics of Confucianism since the Tang dynasty. Yet its pages contain numerous references to Shang and early Zhou divination practices. It seems paradoxical that a text identified with Confucian humanism would be full of references to the supernatural. I suggest that the Zuozhuan builds upon the foundations of the authority of Shang and Zhou ritual to establish the authority of Confucian doctrine. This phenomenon has been mentioned by other scholars, though no study has addressed this directly. It is the goal of this thesis to use passages in the Zuozhuan to demonstrate how authority moved from an external source to an internal source during the Eastern Zhou and to show that Zuozhuan makes use of something that Lakoff and Johnson have called idealized cognitive models.

The historians writing in the Carolingian Empire, with a few important exceptions, frequently ascribed events in recent history to God. Where they have been noticed at all, these statements of God’s agency have usually been explained as political propaganda, to demonstrate God’s favour towards the reigning dynasty. Alternatively, they have been explained by the legacy of late antique Christian historians, from which this language supposedly derived. This thesis aims to demonstrate that this language was a distinctive and innovative feature of the emerging tradition of Carolingian history writing and is best explained in religious terms. It argues that Carolingian historians reflected the emphasis on God’s agency found throughout contemporary culture and that they deliberately reshaped the Christian language bequeathed by their Roman, Anglo-Saxon, and Frankish predecessors. It offers a text-by-text analysis of how God’s agency functioned within each major Carolingian history, to further show the versatility of this language over the period. Taken together, these texts suggest that Carolingian historians wanted to teach their audiences about God’s agency and its implications for their own beliefs, identities, and behaviour. As a result, these histories and their depictions of God’s agency can be seen as a distinctive contribution to Carolingian religious renewal. This thesis thus aims to contribute to our understanding of the relationship between religion, history, and culture in early medieval Europe.

Esta tese procura compreender o processo que culminou com a conquista do voto feminino no Brasil em 24 de fevereiro de 1932. O objetivo é desvelar, analisar e compreender as articulações e os principais personagens que fizeram parte dessa conquista, tendo como limites temporais os anos de 1850 e 1932. A narrativa se centra em dois grupos principais. O primeiro grupo é representado pelos parlamentares brasileiros e as tentativas de inserção da mulher no pleito eleitoral, via legais, durante todo o período da Primeira República. O segundo grupo é representado pelas figuras de Leolinda de Figueiredo Daltro à frente do Partido Republicano Feminino e de Bertha Lutz, líder da Federação Brasileira pelo Progresso Feminino, ambas responsáveis pela articulação do movimento organizado feminino e sufragista no Brasil. A vertente a que esse trabalho se vincula é a dos estudos de gênero e da história política, no sentido que trata da luta em prol do sufrágio feminino procurando dar ênfase tanto aos atores convencionais do jogo político como para as mulheres que se organizaram para reivindicar seus direitos. Através da análise de um conjunto heterogêneo de fontes, tais como: Anais do Congresso Nacional, correspondências, matérias de jornais e revistas, materiais bibliográficos diversos e pesquisas acadêmicas, procura-se também acentuar que mais do que uma concessão do governo de Getúlio Vargas, o sufrágio feminino foi o resultado de uma longa luta empreendida por homens e mulheres em prol da igualdade eleitoral. / This thesis seeks to understand the process leading to the conquest of women’s suffrage in Brazil on February 24th, 1932. The objective is to uncover, analyze and comprehend the articulations and main characters that were part of these achievements, setting the years 1850 to 1932 as the timeframe for this investigation. The narrative is centered on two main groups. The first group is represented by Brazilian congressmen and the successive attempts to legally insert women in the electoral process during the entire period of the First Republic. The second group is represented by the figures of Leolinda de Figueiredo Daltro, heading the Women’s Republican Party and Bertha Luz, leader of the Brazilian Federation for Women’s Progress, both responsible for the articulation of the organized feminist and suffragist movement in Brazil. This work is best understood as a piece on gender studies and political history, as it deals with the struggle for women’s suffrage, aiming to focus on the conventional actors in the political game as well as the women who organized to claim their rights. Through an analysis of a heterogeneous set of sources, such as the Annals of the Parliament, correspondence exchange, newspaper and magazine articles, and academic research this work seeks to stress that women’s suffrage in Brazil was the result of a long struggle by women and men for electoral equality, rather than a concession of Getulio Vargas’ government.

Esta tese procura compreender o processo que culminou com a conquista do voto feminino no Brasil em 24 de fevereiro de 1932. O objetivo é desvelar, analisar e compreender as articulações e os principais personagens que fizeram parte dessa conquista, tendo como limites temporais os anos de 1850 e 1932. A narrativa se centra em dois grupos principais. O primeiro grupo é representado pelos parlamentares brasileiros e as tentativas de inserção da mulher no pleito eleitoral, via legais, durante todo o período da Primeira República. O segundo grupo é representado pelas figuras de Leolinda de Figueiredo Daltro à frente do Partido Republicano Feminino e de Bertha Lutz, líder da Federação Brasileira pelo Progresso Feminino, ambas responsáveis pela articulação do movimento organizado feminino e sufragista no Brasil. A vertente a que esse trabalho se vincula é a dos estudos de gênero e da história política, no sentido que trata da luta em prol do sufrágio feminino procurando dar ênfase tanto aos atores convencionais do jogo político como para as mulheres que se organizaram para reivindicar seus direitos. Através da análise de um conjunto heterogêneo de fontes, tais como: Anais do Congresso Nacional, correspondências, matérias de jornais e revistas, materiais bibliográficos diversos e pesquisas acadêmicas, procura-se também acentuar que mais do que uma concessão do governo de Getúlio Vargas, o sufrágio feminino foi o resultado de uma longa luta empreendida por homens e mulheres em prol da igualdade eleitoral. / This thesis seeks to understand the process leading to the conquest of women’s suffrage in Brazil on February 24th, 1932. The objective is to uncover, analyze and comprehend the articulations and main characters that were part of these achievements, setting the years 1850 to 1932 as the timeframe for this investigation. The narrative is centered on two main groups. The first group is represented by Brazilian congressmen and the successive attempts to legally insert women in the electoral process during the entire period of the First Republic. The second group is represented by the figures of Leolinda de Figueiredo Daltro, heading the Women’s Republican Party and Bertha Luz, leader of the Brazilian Federation for Women’s Progress, both responsible for the articulation of the organized feminist and suffragist movement in Brazil. This work is best understood as a piece on gender studies and political history, as it deals with the struggle for women’s suffrage, aiming to focus on the conventional actors in the political game as well as the women who organized to claim their rights. Through an analysis of a heterogeneous set of sources, such as the Annals of the Parliament, correspondence exchange, newspaper and magazine articles, and academic research this work seeks to stress that women’s suffrage in Brazil was the result of a long struggle by women and men for electoral equality, rather than a concession of Getulio Vargas’ government.