No / The anticapitalist protests at Seattle and Genoa are dramatic symbols of a growing collective anger about the of a few multinational corporations. But there is more to anticapitalism than demonstrations: concepts like participatory democracy and economic solidarity form the heart of alternative but equally compelling visions. Hilary Wainwright, writer and long-time political activist, set out on a quest to find out how people are putting such concepts into practice locally and taking control over public power. Her journey starts at home, in east Manchester, where local community groups are testing Tony Blair¿s commitment to ¿community-led¿ regeneration by getting involved in the way government money is spent. In Newcastle, she joins a meeting of homecare workers and their clients to challenge the threat of privatization of homecare services in that city. In Los Angeles she talks to the people behind the community-union coalitions that have had major successes in improving the impoverished bus system and in winning a living wage for employees of firms contracted by the city. And in Porto Alegre she discovers the wider democratic potential of the participatory budget, the basis of investment decisions in many Brazilian cities. Local democracy and ¿people power,¿ it turns out, provided the foundations for a global alternative, as her visit to the World Social Forum reveals.

Este trabalho busca compreender as amarras e as potencialidades em torno do uso das mídias digitais por ativistas autônomos anticapitalistas. O objetivo é partir da discussão sobre a potência democratizante que a Internet ativa e chegar à análise de coletivos autônomos que produzem e divulgam no espaço digital um discurso anticapitalista. Embora as novas mídias façam parte da indústria na qual a informação é mercadoria e meio de reprodução da lógica de produção vigente, a existência de grupos que usufruem das mídias digitais para criticar o atual modelo político, econômico e social contribui para o crescimento descentralizado da construção e difusão do pensamento antissistêmico. Portanto, interessa a esta pesquisa refletir sobre as origens desse ativismo e seu potencial de transformação social. A narração de episódios recentes da trajetória do movimento autônomo - o levante zapatista, a Ação Global dos Povos e as ocupações de 2011- vai ajudar na compreensão de elementos encontrados nos protestos de junho de 2013 e na formação de uma rede de coletivos em espaços físicos e virtuais. A coleta de dados de redes sociais e entrevistas com militantes basearão a descrição das ações comunicativas empreendidas por esses ativistas. / This paper seeks to understand the limits and potentialities surrounding the use of digital media by autonome anticapitalist activists. The purpose is to depart from the discussion about the democratizing potency that Internet activates and reach the analysis of autonome movements that produce and publish in the digital environment an anticapitalist speech. Although new media takes part of industry where information is merchandise and way of reproducing the logic of the current production, the existence of groups that take advantage of digital media to criticize the current political, economic and social model contributes to the decentralized growth of construction and dissemination of antisystemic thought. Therefore, this research is interested in reflect on the origins of this activism and its potential for social transformation. The narration of recent episodes of the trajectory of the autonomous movement - the Zapatista insurrection, the People\'s Global Action and occupations in 2011 - will help in the understanding of elements found in the protests of June 2013 and the formation of a network of collectives in physical and virtual spaces. The collection of data from social networks and interviews with militants will base the description of communicative actions undertaken by these activists.

Este trabalho busca compreender as amarras e as potencialidades em torno do uso das mídias digitais por ativistas autônomos anticapitalistas. O objetivo é partir da discussão sobre a potência democratizante que a Internet ativa e chegar à análise de coletivos autônomos que produzem e divulgam no espaço digital um discurso anticapitalista. Embora as novas mídias façam parte da indústria na qual a informação é mercadoria e meio de reprodução da lógica de produção vigente, a existência de grupos que usufruem das mídias digitais para criticar o atual modelo político, econômico e social contribui para o crescimento descentralizado da construção e difusão do pensamento antissistêmico. Portanto, interessa a esta pesquisa refletir sobre as origens desse ativismo e seu potencial de transformação social. A narração de episódios recentes da trajetória do movimento autônomo - o levante zapatista, a Ação Global dos Povos e as ocupações de 2011- vai ajudar na compreensão de elementos encontrados nos protestos de junho de 2013 e na formação de uma rede de coletivos em espaços físicos e virtuais. A coleta de dados de redes sociais e entrevistas com militantes basearão a descrição das ações comunicativas empreendidas por esses ativistas. / This paper seeks to understand the limits and potentialities surrounding the use of digital media by autonome anticapitalist activists. The purpose is to depart from the discussion about the democratizing potency that Internet activates and reach the analysis of autonome movements that produce and publish in the digital environment an anticapitalist speech. Although new media takes part of industry where information is merchandise and way of reproducing the logic of the current production, the existence of groups that take advantage of digital media to criticize the current political, economic and social model contributes to the decentralized growth of construction and dissemination of antisystemic thought. Therefore, this research is interested in reflect on the origins of this activism and its potential for social transformation. The narration of recent episodes of the trajectory of the autonomous movement - the Zapatista insurrection, the People\'s Global Action and occupations in 2011 - will help in the understanding of elements found in the protests of June 2013 and the formation of a network of collectives in physical and virtual spaces. The collection of data from social networks and interviews with militants will base the description of communicative actions undertaken by these activists.

Nonmonogamy is undertheorised as site of anticapitalist resistance, despite monogamy’s intimate connectedness to Capitalism. The purpose of this study is advocating for conceptualising resistance at its broadest by including the personal realm as political. Nonmonogamy is mobilised as both sex-affectiveness and socio-political organisation to highlight the inseparability of sexuality and the political economy. The text lays down a theoretical background on the need to recover the 70s Feminist slogan the personal is political to challenge the liberal and sexist ontology of private vs public that brackets social life and political activity. The study is driven by the tendency to downsize aspects linked to the personal realm as not politically relevant within the wider framework of social movements, and by an apolitical, privatised and sexuality based approach to nonmonogamy in written production. The risk of neoliberal co-optation of antinormative sexualities’ political agendas is also a driving motivation. Using activist feminist ethnography, this study centres around the reflections of six anticapitalist activists identified with nonmonogamy and engaged politically in the Spanish state. It uses semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis to gain understanding on how nonmonogamy is articulated vis a vis the activists’ political engagement, and on to what extent the personal is given political significance and mobilised as an anticapitalist strategy.

No description available.

Este trabalho investiga a formação, na segunda metade da década de 1990, daquilo que alguns grupos ativistas denominaram anticapitalismo global. A pesquisa buscou acompanhar a emergência dessa nova forma de ativismo por meio da reconstituição do processo de construção da rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal que começou a se formar em solidariedade ao levante do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN) no México, em janeiro de 1994, ganhou corpo com a realização do Primeiro e do Segundo Encontros Intercontinentais pela Humanidade e contra o Neoliberalismo, em 1996 e 1997, respectivamente, e culminou na fundação, em 1998, da Ação Global dos Povos (AGP), rede de movimentos sociais que criou os dias de ação global e inspirou as grandes manifestações contra as reuniões de instituições multilaterais como a Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), o Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI) e o Banco Mundial a partir do protesto que impediu a realização da abertura da terceira Conferência Ministerial da OMC em Seattle, em novembro de 1999. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o processo de emergência e descrever as características centrais de um novo tipo de anticapitalismo que surgiu a partir da articulação das lutas contra a globalização neoliberal em nível mundial e situá-lo na longa tradição das lutas anticapitalistas dos séculos XIX e XX, mostrando como as transformações do modo de produção capitalista deram origem a novas formas de resistência ao longo desse período. Para isso, conduzi uma pesquisa em dois planos, um teórico e outro empírico. A pesquisa empírica se baseou no levantamento e análise de documentos produzidos pelos movimentos que integraram a rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal entre 1994 e 1998. A pesquisa teórica consistiu na aplicação de um modelo teórico elaborado a partir da combinação de duas leituras contemporâneas da economia política marxiana para analisar as transformações do capitalismo e do anticapitalismo ao longo dos séculos XIX e XX. Esse modelo foi elaborado a partir da teoria do antagonismo de classe formulada pelos pensadores operaístas e autonomistas italianos, como Antonio Negri e Mario Tronti, e da teoria dos ajustes espaçotemporais via acumulação por espoliação de David Harvey. Ao aplicar esse modelo teórico à análise dos dados empíricos fornecidos pelas fontes textuais produzidas pelos movimentos que formaram a rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal foi possível constatar a emergência de um novo anticapitalismo que surgiu em resposta às transformações do modo de produção capitalista a partir da crise de acumulação iniciada na década de 1970 e que deu origem a uma nova estratégia de enfrentamento do capital e a uma nova concepção do sujeito revolucionário. Como a pesquisa se baseou nas declarações escritas dos movimentos envolvidos na construção da rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal, os resultados obtidos permitem falar em um novo discurso anticapitalista, mas não fornecem os elementos necessários para atestar a emergência de uma nova prática anticapitalista capaz de se enraizar no cotidiano dos movimentos envolvidos. Por isso, o trabalho conclui sugerindo que é necessário realizar pesquisas de história oral para verificar se e como esse discurso se refletiu na prática cotidiana dos movimentos integrantes da rede. / This work investigates the formation, in the second half of the 1990s, of what some activist groups have called global anticapitalism. The research analyzed the emergence of this new form of activism by studying the building of the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization that began to take shape in solidarity to the uprising of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in Mexico, in January 1994, strengthened itself with the organization of the First and Second Intercontinental Encounters for Humanity and Against Neoliberalism, in 1996 and 1997, and culminated in the foundation, in 1998, of Peoples Global Action (PGA), a netowrk of social movements that created the global days of action and inspired the big demonstrations against multilateral institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, starting with the protests that shut down the inaugurarion of the third Ministerial Conference of the WTO in Seattle, in November 1999. The aim of this work is to analyze the emergence and describe the main characteristics of a new kind of anticapitalism that grew out of the articulation of the struggles against neoliberal globalization in a global level and situate it within the long tradition of anticapitalist struggles of the 19th and 20th centuries, showing how the transformations of the capitalist mode of production gave birth to new forms of resistance. To do that, I have conducted a research in two levels, one theoretical and the other empirical. The empirical research was based on the analysis of documents produced by the movements that formed the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization between 1994 and 1998. The theoretical research consisted in the application of a theoretical model built upon the combination of two contemporary interpretations of the Marxian political economy in order to analyze the transformations of both capitalism and anticapitalism through the 19th and 20th centuries. This model was elaborated departing from the theory of class antagonism formulated by Italian workerist and autonomist intellectuals such as Antonio Negri and Mario Tronti, and from David Harveys theory of spatiotemporal fixes through accumulation by dispossession. By applying this theoretical model to the analysis of the empirical data provided by the textual sources produced by the movements that formed the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization it was possible to see the emergence of a new anticapitalism that took shape in response to the transformations of the capitalist mode of production since the accumulation crisis started in the 1970s and that gave rise to a new strategy to confront capital and to a new conception of the revolutionary subject. Since the research was based on the written declarations of the movements that built the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization, the results allow us to identify a new anticapitalist discourse, but dont provide enough elements to prove the emergence of new anticapitalist practices rooted in the everyday life of the movements involved in the network. Thus, the work concludes suggesting the necessity of conducting oral history researches to verify if and how this discourse was reflected in the everyday practice of the movements that took part in the network.

Este trabalho investiga a formação, na segunda metade da década de 1990, daquilo que alguns grupos ativistas denominaram anticapitalismo global. A pesquisa buscou acompanhar a emergência dessa nova forma de ativismo por meio da reconstituição do processo de construção da rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal que começou a se formar em solidariedade ao levante do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN) no México, em janeiro de 1994, ganhou corpo com a realização do Primeiro e do Segundo Encontros Intercontinentais pela Humanidade e contra o Neoliberalismo, em 1996 e 1997, respectivamente, e culminou na fundação, em 1998, da Ação Global dos Povos (AGP), rede de movimentos sociais que criou os dias de ação global e inspirou as grandes manifestações contra as reuniões de instituições multilaterais como a Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), o Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI) e o Banco Mundial a partir do protesto que impediu a realização da abertura da terceira Conferência Ministerial da OMC em Seattle, em novembro de 1999. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o processo de emergência e descrever as características centrais de um novo tipo de anticapitalismo que surgiu a partir da articulação das lutas contra a globalização neoliberal em nível mundial e situá-lo na longa tradição das lutas anticapitalistas dos séculos XIX e XX, mostrando como as transformações do modo de produção capitalista deram origem a novas formas de resistência ao longo desse período. Para isso, conduzi uma pesquisa em dois planos, um teórico e outro empírico. A pesquisa empírica se baseou no levantamento e análise de documentos produzidos pelos movimentos que integraram a rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal entre 1994 e 1998. A pesquisa teórica consistiu na aplicação de um modelo teórico elaborado a partir da combinação de duas leituras contemporâneas da economia política marxiana para analisar as transformações do capitalismo e do anticapitalismo ao longo dos séculos XIX e XX. Esse modelo foi elaborado a partir da teoria do antagonismo de classe formulada pelos pensadores operaístas e autonomistas italianos, como Antonio Negri e Mario Tronti, e da teoria dos ajustes espaçotemporais via acumulação por espoliação de David Harvey. Ao aplicar esse modelo teórico à análise dos dados empíricos fornecidos pelas fontes textuais produzidas pelos movimentos que formaram a rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal foi possível constatar a emergência de um novo anticapitalismo que surgiu em resposta às transformações do modo de produção capitalista a partir da crise de acumulação iniciada na década de 1970 e que deu origem a uma nova estratégia de enfrentamento do capital e a uma nova concepção do sujeito revolucionário. Como a pesquisa se baseou nas declarações escritas dos movimentos envolvidos na construção da rede mundial de luta contra a globalização neoliberal, os resultados obtidos permitem falar em um novo discurso anticapitalista, mas não fornecem os elementos necessários para atestar a emergência de uma nova prática anticapitalista capaz de se enraizar no cotidiano dos movimentos envolvidos. Por isso, o trabalho conclui sugerindo que é necessário realizar pesquisas de história oral para verificar se e como esse discurso se refletiu na prática cotidiana dos movimentos integrantes da rede. / This work investigates the formation, in the second half of the 1990s, of what some activist groups have called global anticapitalism. The research analyzed the emergence of this new form of activism by studying the building of the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization that began to take shape in solidarity to the uprising of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) in Mexico, in January 1994, strengthened itself with the organization of the First and Second Intercontinental Encounters for Humanity and Against Neoliberalism, in 1996 and 1997, and culminated in the foundation, in 1998, of Peoples Global Action (PGA), a netowrk of social movements that created the global days of action and inspired the big demonstrations against multilateral institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, starting with the protests that shut down the inaugurarion of the third Ministerial Conference of the WTO in Seattle, in November 1999. The aim of this work is to analyze the emergence and describe the main characteristics of a new kind of anticapitalism that grew out of the articulation of the struggles against neoliberal globalization in a global level and situate it within the long tradition of anticapitalist struggles of the 19th and 20th centuries, showing how the transformations of the capitalist mode of production gave birth to new forms of resistance. To do that, I have conducted a research in two levels, one theoretical and the other empirical. The empirical research was based on the analysis of documents produced by the movements that formed the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization between 1994 and 1998. The theoretical research consisted in the application of a theoretical model built upon the combination of two contemporary interpretations of the Marxian political economy in order to analyze the transformations of both capitalism and anticapitalism through the 19th and 20th centuries. This model was elaborated departing from the theory of class antagonism formulated by Italian workerist and autonomist intellectuals such as Antonio Negri and Mario Tronti, and from David Harveys theory of spatiotemporal fixes through accumulation by dispossession. By applying this theoretical model to the analysis of the empirical data provided by the textual sources produced by the movements that formed the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization it was possible to see the emergence of a new anticapitalism that took shape in response to the transformations of the capitalist mode of production since the accumulation crisis started in the 1970s and that gave rise to a new strategy to confront capital and to a new conception of the revolutionary subject. Since the research was based on the written declarations of the movements that built the worldwide network of struggle against neoliberal globalization, the results allow us to identify a new anticapitalist discourse, but dont provide enough elements to prove the emergence of new anticapitalist practices rooted in the everyday life of the movements involved in the network. Thus, the work concludes suggesting the necessity of conducting oral history researches to verify if and how this discourse was reflected in the everyday practice of the movements that took part in the network.

This study sets out to explore first person theatre as a means of opening the individual to the problems of contemporary capitalism and its increasing pervasion of the personal in an era of embeddedness enabled by networked pervasive technology. Firstly setting out key definitions and a theoretical analysis of the problems of being in the digital age in chapter 1, and then setting this against the history of interaction in performance in chapter 2. The study then goes on (in chapters 3-5) to investigate three key aspects of first person performance as personal-as-political; sound and the city, play and games, and interactive theatre. In the final chapter, The Umbrella Project develops a piece of first person theatre as practice, a method of investigation that is vital to a thesis that discusses politics, late capitalism, and the means to resist the message-sending of private interests as fundamentally only to be understood in practice. For this reason, too, chapters 3, 4 and 5 are supported by key case studies discussing other first person theatre practice. By placing the participant at the centre of the world-constituting process of theatre in the hot space between what is and what if this study suggests that first person theatre is able to open the contemporary individual to an inbetween where they might re-see, reflect and react to what is. To imagine and, if wished, act upon a what if. In an age of the disrupted near and far, the vanishing of the interface, of the false rhetoric of choice of personalisation , and the often false rhetoric of agency at the end of the era of broadcast, first person theatre offers the subject a route to individual agency, an understanding of the urban environment as construct, and to their relationship with the subjective other something which this thesis suggests is a personal-as-political practice to rival the Spectacle of late capitalism.

Ce mémoire vise à analyser le processus de construction de l'identité collective du mouvement queer à Montréal dans un contexte francophone. Bien que plusieurs travaux portent en partie sur les groupes militants queers québécois, aucune recherche ne s'est employée à comprendre comment les militant.es queers à Montréal se constituent comme un collectif qui développe une identité. Pour analyser le processus de construction de l'identité collective du mouvement queer montréalais, je m'appuie sur la théorie de Melucci (1985; 1996), qui définit l'identité collective d'un mouvement selon plusieurs axes : les champs d'action, les moyens employés et les fins visées, ainsi que le mode d'organisation. Afin de répondre à cette question de recherche, j'ai effectué une recherche documentaire ainsi que sept entrevues avec des militant.es queers montréalais.es francophones. L'analyse des données a été faite grâce à divers travaux qui portent sur les champs d'action, les valeurs, les fins et moyens, le mode d'organisation de mouvements contemporains anti-autoritaires et anti-oppressifs, ainsi qu'en fonction de trois dimensions élaborées par Melucci (1985) : le conflit, la solidarité et les limites du système. Je conclus que l'identité collective comme processus s'articule autour de plusieurs enjeux : premièrement, la diversité des champs d'action, les valeurs anti-oppressives, les relations d'affinités, le mode de vie alternatif et le mode d'organisation anti-oppressif des militant.es queers permettent au mouvement de créer une solidarité interne, d'affirmer une position anti-autoritaire qui brise les limites du système dominant et de se différencier du mouvement LGBT mainstream. Par ailleurs, les actions militantes concrètes qui réalisent le changement dans l'ici et maintenant participent à créer une solidarité et une reconnaissance entre militant.es, ainsi qu'à mettre en lumière un conflit avec le système dominant oppressif. Enfin, les perspectives francophones sur le mouvement queer ne semblent pas donner au bilinguisme du mouvement un rôle fondamental dans la construction de son identité collective. Cependant, l'intérêt marqué des militant.es francophones comparativement aux militant.es anglophones pour la politique institutionnelle fait émerger de nouvelles interrogations sur l'impact que pourrait avoir le mélange des cultures francophone et anglophone à Montréal sur la culture politique et l'identité du mouvement. / This dissertation aims at analyzing the process of construction of the collective identity of the Montreal queer movement in a french-speaking context. Although several works partly focus on queer militant groups from Quebec, no research tries to understand how queer militants in Montreal are formed as a collective which develops an identity. To analyze this process, I employ Melucci's theory (1985; 1996), which defines the collective identity of a movement according to three axes : the field of action, the means used and the ends aimed, as well as the forms of organization. In order to answer this research question, I carried out a documentary research and seven interviews with french-speaking queer militants from Montreal. The data analysis is based on various works concerning the fields of action, the values, the means and the ends, as well as the forms of organization of anti-authoritative and anti-oppresive contemporary movements, but also through three dimensions developed by Melucci (1985) : the conflict, the solidarity and the limits of the system. I argue that collective identity is articulated around several challenges : firstly, the diversity of the fields of action, the anti-oppressive values, the relation of affinity and the anti-oppressive form of organization of the queer militants allow the movement to create an internal solidarity, affirm an antiauthoritarian position which breaks the limits of the dominant system, and dissociate itself from the mainstream LGBT movement. In addition, concrete militant actions play a part in the social change here and now, contribute to creating solidarity and recognition between militants and reveals a conflict with the dominant oppressive system. Lastly, from the perspective of its french-speakers, the bilingual feature of the queer movement does not play a fundamental role in the construction of its collective identity. However, the shown interest of french-speaking militants for the institutional policy by comparison with english-speaking militants brings up new questions concerning how the mixture of the french-speaking and english-speaking cultures might have an impact on the political culture and the identity of the queer movement in Montreal.