Orientador: Clodoaldo Bueno / Banca: Estêvão Chaves de Rezende Martins / Banca: José Luis Bendicho Beired / Resumo: Este trabalho trata das relações entre o Brasil e o Mundo Árabe, especialmente depois da primeira crise do petróleo, em 1973. Diante da disparada do preço do petróleo, o Brasil passou a intensificar o seu intercambio diplomático e comercial com os países árabes no intuito de suavizar os efeitos da crise. De forma inédita e adotando uma política externa pragmática baseada no interesse comercial do país, o governo Geisel incrementou as relações do Brasil com o Oriente Médio e norte da África. Nesta busca por novos aliados, destacou-se o Iraque. A amizade Brasil-Iraque começou com a prospecção de petróleo e a descoberta pela Petrobrás do poço iraquiano de Majnoon, um dos maiores do mundo, e também pela construção de estradas e ferrovias. / Abstract: This work deals with the relations between Brazil and the Arab World, especially after the First Oil Crisis of 1973. To face the fast rise of the oil prices, Brazil started to intensify diplomatic and commercial affairs with the Arab countries in intention to reduce the effects of the crisis. Adopting a new and more pragmatic foreign politics, based in the commercial interest of the country, the Geisel government developed the relations of Brazil with the Middle East and North of Africa. In this search for new allies, Iraq was distinguished. The Brazil-Iraq friendship started with the prospection of oil and the discovery by Petrobras, of the Iraqi well of Majnoon, one of the greatest of the world, and also the building of roads and railroads in that country. / Mestre

Les festivals de musique s'étant constitués progressivement depuis le milieu des années 1990 en un véritable phénomène de société au Maroc, cette thèse analyse, dans une perspective comparatiste, en quoi ces événements artistico-culturels et festifs favorisent des formes nouvelles, non-conventionnelles, de production du politique dans le monde arabe entre contestation et relégitimation de l'ordre établi. D'une part, les festivals de musique, appréhendés par le biais d'une analyse culturelle de l'action collective et des mouvements sociaux, révèlent un espace politique alternatif au potentiel initial fortement subversif, à l’origine d’une Nayda post-islamiste. D'autre part, les différents processus de récupération et de cooptation, directes et indirectes, dans lesquels entrent peu à peu ces événements, illustrent les ressorts de la domination et d'une politique culturelle autoritaire exercées par le makhzen. Enfin, cette politisation multiple, que permet l'ambivalence de l'artistico-culturel et du politique, est exacerbée dans le contexte du Mouvement du 20 février et du Printemps arabe entre radicalisation et saturation de la dynamique festivalière. / Musical festivals in Morocco have progressively become a social phenomenon since the mid 1990's. This study takes a comparative perspective in order to analyse to what extent these artistic, cultural and festive events promote new and unconventional forms of politics production in the Arab world, which oscillate between a contestation and a relegitimation of the established order. On the one hand, music festivals, considered through the lense of a cultural analysis of collective action and social movements, constitute an alternative political space with an initially high subversive potential leading to a post-islamist Nayda. On the other hand, these events gradually enter diverse processes of direct and indirect distortion and co-optation, which illustrate the levers of the domination and the authoritarian cultural policy exercised by the makhzen. Finally, the multiple politicization allowed by the ambivalence of artistic, cultural and political expressions is exacerbated in the context of the Arab Spring and the 20 February Movement between a radicalisation and a saturation of the festival dynamics.

This dissertation employs a qualitative case study approach to investigate the 2010-2012 Arab Spring. It addresses two research questions: 1) what are the Arab Spring events instances of, and 2) what gave rise to the variation across the Arab Spring outcomes? The ultimate objective of this research is to go beyond theorizing the Arab Spring to advance a typological theory on popular revolution. To that end, the study reviews several bodies of literature in the social sciences, and employs a structured, focused comparison approach to analyze variance across six Arab Spring cases: Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and Bahrain. As a result, four theoretical types of revolutionary action have been identified: elite-imposed popular evolution (EIPR), foreign-imposed popular revolution (FIPR), foreign-blocked abortive revolution (FBAR), and elite-blocked abortive revolution (EBAR). In addition, the research found EIPR to have been the case in Tunisia and Egypt, FIPR in Libya and Yemen, and FBAR in Syria and Bahrain; EBAR was an empty cell in the Arab Spring. Furthermore, the study proposes that cases of EIPR are likely to culminate in a quasi-coup by autonomous elites; FIPR in a foreign-imposed regime change (FIRC) by international intervention; FBAR in a foreign-imposed regime maintenance (FIRM) by foreign patrons; and EBAR in an elite-imposed regime maintenance (EIRM) by subservient elites. The contingent generalizations offered by this theory should help scholars and policy makers approximate the trajectory of future revolutionary events by tracing them to the above theoretical types. This should help them improve their overall response to recent and ongoing revolutionary events, especially in the area of conflict resolution.

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The case of the Ultras’ mobilisation and their subsequent demobilisation in the Egyptian revolutionary and post-revolutionary context raises the question of the relationship between the notion of contention and repression, which are questions that are at the centre of debates in the literature. Based on a thorough analysis of the Ultras groups’ collective actions, this dissertation aims at understanding the mobilisation and demobilisation mechanisms at play in revolutionary and post-revolutionary Egypt. Inspired by the literature of contentious collective action and the sociology of sport in various national contexts, we aim at answering the following question: how and in what ways did the Ultras adapt their tools and spaces of mobilisation to avoid state repression? This further prompted the question of the Ultras’ impact on the making of spaces of contention and the general capacity of football fandom to encourage mobilisation. The generalised context of surveillance and control encouraged the development of alternative means and spaces to avoid state repression. Among these alternatives means and spaces, were the stadium, as well as the Ultras’ street art and songs. By investing and (re)possessing these spaces, we show that the Ultras were able to transform a space into an area of conflict and contestation. In other words, these alternative means and spaces can be seen as a way for them to break away from the shackles of social and institutional norms to oppose the general “paradigm of depression, control and normalisation of apathy”. The return to authoritarianism and the coming to power of General Abdel Fattah al Sisi (since June 2013), however, drastically impacted on collective action, as the various groups witnessed the progressive destruction of the spaces of protest and memorialisation that had been developing since the onset of the uprisings. In this regard, we investigate the issue of the demobilisation of the Ultras groups and progressive effacement of spaces of contention. Looking back on the events of the 2011 uprisings and the subsequent 2013 uprisings against president Morsi and regime response, we establish that the general disappearance of protest is linked to the banalisation of violence, which instilled this idea that brutality was commonplace, almost inconsequential because a part of Egyptians’ daily lives. We conclude the dissertation by reflecting on the delocalisation of dissent through the collective act of remembrance. Indeed, the new laws on social media suggest additional efforts from the regime to contain and control political dissent, further contributing to the expansion of the concept of “tentacular state”. In this regard, the acts of remembrance can be understood as a way for the social actors to redefine their repertoires of collective action. Through the digitisation and subsequent dissemination of narratives, photos, videos and sounds, social actors such as the Ultras repossess new spaces of dissent and resistance beyond their physical borders. Ultimately, the power of digitisation and collective acts of remembrance lies in their capacity and potential to stimulate dissent, thus securing political effects. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L'utilisation de l'arabe écrit en caractères arabes par les Juifs entre la fin du XIX° et la fin du XX° siècle s'inscrit dans la continuité d'un rapport de longue durée entre les Juifs et la langue arabe, et constitue un phénomène linguistique jusqu'à présent peu étudié. Afin d'en délimiter les contours et d'en prendre la mesure, nous avons constitué, à partir du travail de Shmuel Moreh en Israël, un corpus bibliographique de 654 notices de textes publiés en langue arabe par des auteurs juifs. Son analyse nous a permis de mettre en évidence la faible ampleur de ce phénomène. Premièrement du point de vue de son étendue dans le temps, car même si la première notice de notre corpus date de 1847 et la dernière de 2008, ce n'est qu'entre 1930 et 1970 que se concentre la plupart des documents répertoriés. Deuxièmement, du point de vue de son étendue géographique, car c’est essentiellement en Egypte, en Iraq et finalement en Israël que se développe ce phénomène. A ce sujet, nous préciserons cependant que celui-ci s’est exporté vers Israël, suite au départ des Juifs des pays arabes principalement durant les années 1950. Troisièmement, car il n’est soutenu que par un petit nombre d'individus, sur l’ensemble des auteurs de notre corpus. Ces considérations mises à part, nous avons pu observer un certain dynamisme dans cette production écrite. Celui-ci se manifeste d’abord du point de vue de l'hétérogénéité des genres observés dans le corpus, allant de la poésie au théâtre, en passant par les romans, les nouvelles, les essais et le journalisme. Il apparaît ensuite à travers les différentes variétés de langue arabe utilisées, telles que l’arabe classique, ou les dialectes locaux. / The use of Arabic language, in Arabic characters, by the Jews between the end of the XIXth century and the end of the XXth century is one aspect of the long-standing relationship between the Jews and the Arabic language, and constitutes a distinctive linguistic phenomenon which has so far been little researched. In order to outline it and describe it, and building on Shmuel Moreh’s pioneering work in Israel, we have established a bibliographic corpus of some 654 texts and works published by Jewish authors in the Arabic language in Arabic characters. Its analysis has enabled us to highlight the limited extent of this phenomenon. First of all, from a chronological point of view: although the first reference at our disposal dates back to 1847 and the last one to 2008, most of this literature was produced between 1930 and 1970. Secondly, from a geographical point of view: this phenomenon is associated mainly with Egypt, Iraq and later Israel. In this regard, it must be noted that the phenomenon was exported to Israel after the departure of the Jews from the Arab countries principally during the 1950s, and involves almost exclusively émigré writers. Thirdly, because it involves only a small number of individuals, out of the total number of authors listed in our corpus. However, despite all these considerations, this literature is characterised by a certain degree of dynamism. This can be seen first of all in the heterogeneity of the genres observed, spanning poetry, theatre, novels, short stories, essays and journalism, and in its employ of different varieties of Arabic, such as Classical Arabic or local dialects.

French rule over Syria and Lebanon was premised on a vision of a special French protectorate established by centuries of cultural activity; archaeological, educational and charitable. This vision translated into a meaning of the mandate as colonial protectorate, integrated into the French Empire. Initial French methods of organising and supervising cultural activity sought to embrace this vision and to implement it in the exploitation of antiquities, the management and promotion of cultural heritage, the organisation of education and control of the public opinion among literate classes. However, in-depth examination of the first five years of the League of Nations-assigned mandate reveals that French expectations of a protectorate were quickly dashed by consistent and widespread contestation of their mandatary methods within cultural institutions, not simply among Arabists but so too among minority groups initially expected to be loyal clients. The violence of imposing the mandate de facto, starting with a landing of French troops in the Lebanese and Syrian Mediterranean coast in 1919 and followed by extension to Syria “proper” in 1920 was followed by consistent violent revolt and rejection of the very idea of a mandate over local peoples. Examining the cultural institutions’ role reveals less violent yet similarly consistent contestation of French meanings ascribed to the mandate by challenging their methods of executing it. Tracing the mandate administrators’ and surveillance and diplomatic apparatus’ point of view, this analysis shows the significant pressure put on French expectations through contestation of such policies as the exportation of antiquities, the expansion of French instruction over Arabic learning, the censorship of the press. This did not quite unite the infamously tapestry-like stakeholders within and without Syria on a nationalist or even anti-imperialist framework. Yet there was a unity in contesting mandatary methods precieved to be transforming the meaning of a League of Nations mandate. The political and de jure discourses emerging after the tragedy of World War I fostered expectations of European tutelages that prepared local peoples for autonomy and independence. Yet, even among the most Francophile of stakeholders, the unfolding of the first years of mandate rule brought forth de facto, entirely different events and methods. In conjunction with the ongoing violent refusal to accept even the premise of a French mandate, this contestation, partly occurring through cultural institutions, contributed to a fundamental reduction of French expectations in the formative five years. An in-depth horizontal and synchronic analysis of the shifts in discourses, attitudes and activities unfolding in French and locally-organised cultural institutions such as schools, museums and newspapers thus signals the need for mandate studies to give greater consideration to shifts in international and local meanings, methods and capacities rather than treating it as a single unit of analysis.

La recherche historique concernant Gaza et sa région s’est limitée longtemps aux seules sources écrites. S’y sont ajoutées récemment des découvertes archéologiques grâce aux fouilles du site de Blakhiyah sur le littoral, une collection privée particulièrement riche et un trésor monétaire découvert à Rafah. C’est à l’appui de l’ensemble de ces découvertes et en reprenant l’ensemble de la documentation existante que l’histoire de Gaza et sa région sont revues en rassemblant l’ensemble des informations numismatiques, littéraires et archéologiques de ce nouveau matériel. En particulier pour les périodes perses et hellénistiques l’apport documentaire de la numismatique permet d’envisager une place spécifique de Gaza comme un atelier d’émission monétaire spécifique, à rayonnement local par des frappes aux types locaux, et à rayonnement plus vaste par des frappes aux types athéniens. Par ailleurs, les découvertes numismatiques et archéologiques ainsi mises au jour permettent d’entrevoir une dimension ancienne et approfondie des relations entre la cité et le monde arabe, ainsi que le rôle de ces relations pour la période hasmonéenne et romaine. / Historical research concerning Gaza and its region has long been limited to written sources. Archeological discoveries have recently been added to it thanks to different sources : the excavation of the Blakhiyah site on the coast, a particularly rich private collection and a monetary hoard discovered in Rafah. It is in support of all these discoveries and by taking up all the existing documentation that the history of Gaza and its region are reviewed by gathering all the numismatic, literary and archaeological information of this new equipment. Particularly for the Persian and Hellenistic periods, the documentary contribution of numismatics makes it possible to envisage a specific place in Gaza as a specific currency issuing workshop, with local influence by strikes to local types, and with a wider radiation by Athenian type strikes. In addition, the numismatic and archaeological discoveries thus uncovered allow to glimpse an old and deep dimension of the relations between the city and the Arab world, as well as the role of these relations during the Hasmonean and Roman period.

The notion of a nascent Arabic public sphere vis-à-vis the region s transnational news networks has been at the centre of much debate. However, this debate is met with little empirical grounding as well as a conceptual limitation to discussing political publics. This thesis seeks to contribute to and inform current debates by means of an empirical exploration of Arabic public spheres across the mediated-political realm of news media as well as the performative-cultural sphere of interactive theatre. The Jordanian parliamentary elections of November 2007 offer a framework for the research which is made up of two case studies. The first case study examines the portrayal and representation of Jordanian citizens in the news coverage of the parliamentary elections. Four transnational broadcasters (al-Jazeera, al-Arabiya, al-Hurra and JTV) were monitored during the lead up to and post the elections (over a month s duration) and different modes of participation were identified in the coverage. The second case study explores the ways in which Jordanian citizens participated in interactive theatre performances about the elections across Jordan. The performances were specifically developed to ellicit responses from audiences in the form of discussion as well as role playing (in which the audiences assume the roles of citizens in a town hall meeting). Results from the two case studies revealed significant differences in the ways in which citizens participated, or were portrayed as participating, across the political and cultural spheres. The transnational media portrayed citizens largely as observers of the political process and, less frequently, as commentators on issues of public concern. The mediated public sphere was also found to be gendered and afforded Jordanian women less presence and access to participate. On the other hand, the cultural public sphere afforded citizens spaces to discuss issues of public concern as well as contest dominant and exclusionary narratives within their societies. Jordanian women were also found to negotiate change through the reinterpretation of the symbolic. These findings demonstrate that confining our understanding of Arabic public spheres to the political-mediated marginalises the diverse ways in which citizens do participate, particularly so in the case of women.

The Middle East saw much social change in recent tumultuous decades. On one hand, some communities embraced Westernness as part of the inevitable path to development and modernization. On the other hand, there were communities that resisted global trends that were mostly dominated by the West. The latter deemed these trends as a threat to native cultures, religious groups, and local traditions. This made the Arab world a ground for constant redefinition of the meaning of identity. Of the countries in the region undergoing a turbulent debate over what constitutes national identity, Lebanon serves as a good example. Ever since its independence, Lebanon was a nation-state with no sense of nationality to unite its people. As some communities saw themselves more francophone than Arab, others felt a close connection to a pan-Arab nation. Arguably, the Lebanese people found themselves amidst a tension between the two poles. Defining one’s identity required a negotiation between the two extremes. Not only did this negotiation demand a thorough investigation of one’s beliefs, social network, and history, but it also necessitated a diligent ‘performance’ of identity. An individual represented her identity by habits and expressions that she associated with that particular identity. The study at hand is an exploration of the relationship between identity and consumption in the Lebanese society. This project applies a unique approach in that it considers the producers’ agency in the construction of identity. Taking television advertising as a site for inquiry, the study explores how commercial advertisers utilize the tension between the local and the non-local to promote the consumption of the advertised products. Through exploring the values that educate advertising producers’ choices in creating text and meaning, this study applies theories of globalization, postcolonial studies, and consumer behavior through which advertisers manifest an ambivalence of identity. Therefore, by taking Lebanon as an example and focusing on advertising, this study contributes to the debates of globalization and the Arab world by invoking questions of producers’ agency in producing identity references through attitudes, behaviors, and social status associated with the featured products. / text