Cette thèse examine la « politique arabe » de la Turquie sous le règne du parti de la Justice et du Développement (AKP). Alors que pendant la majeure partie du XXème siècle la Turquie était désengagée du Moyen-Orient, les années 2000 voient une implication croissante d’Ankara dans son environnement régional arabe. Ainsi, cette thèse analyse le changement d’orientation qui a eu lieu en Turquie en matière de politique étrangère et de diplomatie à l’égard du Moyen-Orient. L’argument principal est que l’ouverture de la Turquie sur son environnement moyen-oriental est liée au phénomène de l’émergence : étant une puissance moyenne émergente en quête de statut, la Turquie de l’AKP trouve en le Moyen-Orient un champ de manœuvre indispensable pour son affirmation à l’échelle internationale. Nous avons examiné les outils et méthodes employés par la puissance moyenne émergente pour s’ériger en puissance régionale de son hinterland moyen-oriental, en particulier : le nouveau discours civilisationnel employé par l’élite au pouvoir, l’invention de «niches diplomatiques » comme la médiation et la diplomatie de la paix, le soft power comme outil de conquête des cœurs et des esprits, et la tentative de règlement de la question kurde. Toutefois, nous avons démontré que malgré le caractère «novateur » de ces instruments, le statut de la Turquie au Moyen-Orient reste fragile : d’une part, l’instabilité qui caractérise la région menace les acquis et les intérêts d’Ankara ; d’autre part, la Turquie souffre d’un « overachievement » ou d’un décalage entre ses ambitions de puissance et ses capacités et ressources réelles. Plus généralement, l’ « émergence» turque se heurte aux blocages du système international : la structure « oligarchique » de celui-ci empêche l’intégration des puissances moyennes en quête de statut et limite leur capacité d’influence dans le jeu de gouvernance mondiale. / This thesis examines the "Arab policy" of Turkey under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (JDP). While for most of the 20th century Turkey was disengaged from the Middle East, the beginning of the 21st century witnessed a growing involvement of Ankara in its Arab regional environment. Thus, this thesis analyzes the shift that took place in Turkey's foreign policy and diplomacy towards the Middle East. The main argument is that Turkey’s embrace of its Middle Eastern environment is linked to the phenomenon of “rising powers”: being a rising middle power in quest for status, Turkey has found in the Middle East a field maneuver necessary for its assertion on the international stage. The thesis examines the tools and methods used by Turkey to emerge as a regional power in its Middle Eastern hinterland, in particular: the use of a new civilizational discourse by the ruling elite, the recourse to "niche diplomacy" such as mediation and peace diplomacy, the use of soft power to win hearts and minds, and the attempts to solve the Kurdish question. However, it shows that despite the "innovative" character of these instruments, the status of Turkey in the Middle East remains fragile: on the one hand, the instability that characterizes the region jeopardizes the achievements and interests of Ankara; on the other hand, Turkey suffers from an "overachievement" or a gap between its ambitions and its power capabilities and real resources. More generally, Turkey’s quest for status is undermined by the structure of the international system: the "oligarchic" nature of the latter prevents the integration of middle powers and limits their capacity to play an effective role in global governance.

Em 2003, com a posse do presidente Lula, iniciou-se no Brasil uma política externa que tinha na diversificação de parceiros uma de suas linhas orientadoras. Com isso, o Mundo Árabe voltou à agenda diplomática brasileira e, nos anos de governo Lula, recebeu diversas visitas de autoridades brasileiras, sendo várias do Ministro Celso Amorim e do próprio presidente Lula. Além disso, novas embaixadas foram abertas, criou-se uma cúpula da América do Sul com a região e o Brasil buscou-se inserir no processo de paz palestino-israelense. Em 2011, no entanto, com a posse da presidente Dilma Rousseff no Brasil e o início de protestos no Mundo Árabe – os quais levaram a importantes modificações nos governantes de determinados países -, a continuidade dessa política ficou comprometida. A Mudança de Política Externa tem no perfil da liderança e no contexto internacional duas de suas fontes mais importantes de mudanças. No caso brasileiro, percebeu-se a continuação das linhas mestras da política externa brasileira, a defesa de princípios tradicionais, ao mesmo tempo em que ocorreu determinado recuo no ativismo político brasileiro não só na região, mas internacionalmente, no geral. Concluiu-se que a “Primavera Árabe” não levou a uma mudança da estratégia brasileira para o Mundo Árabe; o perfil da presidente, contudo, ocasionou uma diminuição na intensidade em que essa política é perseguida. / In 2003, with the inauguration in office of President Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, it started in Brazil a foreign policy that had in the diversification of partners one of its main lines. Therefore, the Arab World returned to the Brazilian diplomatic agenda and in Lula’s years received plenty of visits of Brazilian authorities, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Celso Amorim, and President Lula himself. Besides that, new embassies were opened, a Summit of South America with the region was created, and Brazil attempted to participate in the Israeli-Palestinian peace talks. In 2011, however, with the beginning of Dilma Rousseff’s presidency in Brazil and the protests in the Arab World – that led to important changes in rulers of some countries – the continuity of this policy has been compromised. Foreign Policy Change has in the leadership profile and in the international context two of its main sources of changes. In the Brazilian case, we noticed the continuity of the major lines of Brazilian foreign policy and the defense of traditional principles. At the same time, we have however a retreat in the country activism not only in the region, but internationally, in general. We conclude that the “Arab Spring” did not cause a change in the Brazilian strategy to the Arab World; the President’s profile, on the other hand, led to a decrease in the intensity that this policy was pursued.

Dans les deux aires qui se présentent comme le Levant et le Couchant d’un même monde arabe – le Machrek et le Maghreb –, des poètes ont choisi la langue française pour réagir à certains événements de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle tels que la guerre d’Algérie, la guerre des Six Jours et la guerre civile du Liban. L’étude des recueils algériens et libanais qui ont été composés entre 1950 et 1990 permet d’envisager le rapport culturel, idéologique et esthétique de ces deux régions en adoptant une approche comparative différentielle. Le choix du français – dont les enjeux sont évidemment très différents dans ces deux aires – soulève des questions identitaires qui méritent d’être analysées et favorise l’expression d’un métissage culturel. Ce corpus poétique permet aussi de réexaminer les liens entre l’Histoire et l’intime, car l'événement, indissociable des problématiques collectives qu’il soulève, est réinterprété par la voix lyrique. Il ne se contente pas de créer une esthétique du chant redécouvert, ni d’offrir un éventail thématique à la mesure des drames qu’il entraîne. Il suscite surtout un parcours énonciatif, étroitement lié au travail du poème. À travers le lyrisme, l’événement historique ouvre la voie/-x de l’intime qui révèle les différentes strates du questionnement identitaire et lui donne une portée universelle. Le sujet n’est plus absorbé dans un collectif renforcé par les circonstances, il ne se définit plus uniquement à travers l’opposition dichotomique à l’altérité ; grâce à l’adresse lyrique, on assiste à l’avènement simultané d’un je et d’un tu qui, sans rien renier du conflit, en subsument les enjeux. / In both areas which stand for the East and the West of the same Arab world – Maghreb and Mashreq –, some poets have chosen the French language to react to certain events of the second half of the twentieth century, as the Algerian War, the Six Days War and the Lebanese Civil War. By studying Algerian and Lebanese collections of poetry written between 1950 and 1990, we can consider the cultural, ideological and esthetical relationship of these two areas adopting a differential comparative approach. The choice of French – whose issues are very different in both areas – raises questions of identity that must be analyzed and promotes the expression of a cultural mixture. Through this poetic corpus, we can reconsider the relationship between history and intimacy because the event, inseparable from collective issues, is reinterpreted by the lyric voice. Not only does it create a rediscovered aesthetic of singing nor only provides a thematic range representative of dramas it causes. It raises an enunciative course closely linked to the poetic process. Through lyricism, historical event opens the way to intimacy which reveals the different layers of questioning identity and gives it a universal dimension. The subject is no longer absorbed into a collective reinforced by the circumstances, it is no longer defined only through the dichotomous opposition to otherness; thanks to the lyrical address, we are witnessing the simultaneous advent of “I” and “you” that, without denying the conflict, subsume its issues.

Notre travail consiste à étudier les contraintes qui influent sur les prises de décisions du traducteur en phase de reformulation. Appliquée au domaine de la littérature de jeunesse, la traduction est envisagée comme un acte de communication qui n’est pas que linguistique : elle est également conditionnée par des éléments extralinguistiques qui participent des influences réciproques entre la communication et la culture dans laquelle elle se produit. La littérature traduite pour ce public se présente comme un sous-système dépendant du cadre littéraire général de la société d’accueil. Elle est, de ce fait, soumise aux conditions et contraintes de production et diffusion du système littéraire pour jeune public. L’analyse des récits destinés au jeune public permet en effet de mettre en exergue les valeurs à la fois culturelles et morales que chaque société cherche à inculquer à son jeune lectorat. Qui veut saisir les procédés méthodologiques et les visées de l’entreprise traduisante dans ce domaine, se voit contraint par la nature même de l’objet, à envisager une étude de la dynamique de la littérature et de la traduction pour enfants dans le contexte d’accueil. Dans le monde arabe, des facteurs tels les parents, les éditeurs, la spécificité de l’ancrage spatioculturel, les auteurs, les traducteurs mais aussi les illustrateurs sont autant de contraintes qui jouent un rôle majeur dans ce qui est produit pour ce jeune public. D’un point de vue traductologique, ces contraintes constituent des « normes sociales » qui délimitent le cadre opérationnel dans lequel viendra s’inscrire toute opération traduisante pour le jeune public. Le concept de ‘norme sociale’ comme l’entend Toury, est central dans toute communication, parce qu’il permet d’identifier les rapports entre la société et sa production littéraire et traduisante. Pendant le processus de traduction, ces normes sont converties en contraintes traductologiques qui peuvent être d’ordre culturel, politique ou idéologique, en ce sens où elles gouvernent les prises de décisions et influent sur la tâche du traducteur au stade de la reformulation. Quels sont les éléments observables qui nous permettent de cerner ces contraintes, et quel rapport entretiennent-elles entre elles et sur le processus de traduction en général et dans la reformulation en particulier ? Surtout, quel est la démarche traductologique qui permettrait d’optimiser les résultats compte tenu de ces contraintes ? Telles sont les questions finales auxquelles ce travail tente d’apporter quelques réponses. / Our work consists in studying the constraints that affect translator’s decisions in the phase of reformulation. Applied to the field of children’s literature, translation is viewed as an act of communication which is not only linguistic: it is also conditioned by extralinguistic elements that involve reciprocal influences between communication and local culture. The literature translated for this audience is presented as a sub-system part of the general literary host society. It is, therefore, subject to conditions and constraints of production and dissemination of literary system for young lectors. The analysis for the young lectors makes it possible to highlight the values of both culture and morality that every society seeks to instill in its young readers. Whoever wants to seize the methodological procedures and purposes of the translating process in this area is constrained by the nature of the subject, to consider a study of the dynamics of literature and translation for children in the host context. In the Arab world, factors such as parents, publishers, spatiocultural specificities, authors, translators and also illustrators play a major role in what is written for young audiences. From a standpoint of translation studies, these constraints are considered as "norms" that define the operational framework that govern any translation for young lectors. The concept of ’social norm’ as defined by Toury, is central to all communication, because it identifies the relationship between a society and its literary and translation process. During the translation process, these norms are converted into translational constraints that may be cultural, political or ideological in the sense that they govern the decision and the influence of the translator during the phase of reformulation. What are the observable elements that allow us to identify these constraints and how do they interact to each other and with the translation process in general and in particular with the reformulation? Above all, what is the translation approach that would maximize results in light of these constraints? These are the final questions to which this work attempts to provide some answers.

Em 2003, com a posse do presidente Lula, iniciou-se no Brasil uma política externa que tinha na diversificação de parceiros uma de suas linhas orientadoras. Com isso, o Mundo Árabe voltou à agenda diplomática brasileira e, nos anos de governo Lula, recebeu diversas visitas de autoridades brasileiras, sendo várias do Ministro Celso Amorim e do próprio presidente Lula. Além disso, novas embaixadas foram abertas, criou-se uma cúpula da América do Sul com a região e o Brasil buscou-se inserir no processo de paz palestino-israelense. Em 2011, no entanto, com a posse da presidente Dilma Rousseff no Brasil e o início de protestos no Mundo Árabe – os quais levaram a importantes modificações nos governantes de determinados países -, a continuidade dessa política ficou comprometida. A Mudança de Política Externa tem no perfil da liderança e no contexto internacional duas de suas fontes mais importantes de mudanças. No caso brasileiro, percebeu-se a continuação das linhas mestras da política externa brasileira, a defesa de princípios tradicionais, ao mesmo tempo em que ocorreu determinado recuo no ativismo político brasileiro não só na região, mas internacionalmente, no geral. Concluiu-se que a “Primavera Árabe” não levou a uma mudança da estratégia brasileira para o Mundo Árabe; o perfil da presidente, contudo, ocasionou uma diminuição na intensidade em que essa política é perseguida. / In 2003, with the inauguration in office of President Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, it started in Brazil a foreign policy that had in the diversification of partners one of its main lines. Therefore, the Arab World returned to the Brazilian diplomatic agenda and in Lula’s years received plenty of visits of Brazilian authorities, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Celso Amorim, and President Lula himself. Besides that, new embassies were opened, a Summit of South America with the region was created, and Brazil attempted to participate in the Israeli-Palestinian peace talks. In 2011, however, with the beginning of Dilma Rousseff’s presidency in Brazil and the protests in the Arab World – that led to important changes in rulers of some countries – the continuity of this policy has been compromised. Foreign Policy Change has in the leadership profile and in the international context two of its main sources of changes. In the Brazilian case, we noticed the continuity of the major lines of Brazilian foreign policy and the defense of traditional principles. At the same time, we have however a retreat in the country activism not only in the region, but internationally, in general. We conclude that the “Arab Spring” did not cause a change in the Brazilian strategy to the Arab World; the President’s profile, on the other hand, led to a decrease in the intensity that this policy was pursued.

[pt] O presente trabalho propõe-se a descrever e analisar as relações entre Brasil e Oriente Médio sob o prisma dos tradicionais princípios que regem a política externa brasileira, em particular a promoção dos direitos humanos. A fim de atingir esse objetivo, a inserção internacional principista do país é discutida, em paralelo à construção da identidade internacional do país. Em seguida, analisa-se a adesão do Brasil ao regime internacional dos direitos humanos, assim como a inclusão da linguagem dos direitos humanos no discurso diplomático brasileiro. Um histórico das relações entre o Brasil e os países médio-orientais é então conduzido, com especial atenção a sua consonância com o discurso principista oficial. Por fim, a relevância e as ambivalências da política externa brasileira de direitos humanos para o Oriente Médio é estudada, no contexto da forte aproximação do Brasil com omundo árabe, durante os governos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff.A esse respeito, é dada especial atenção à imagem que o Brasil tem se esforçado para promover, a de um ator internacional responsável com aspirações à liderança regional e global. / [en] This dissertation aims to analyze the relations between Brazil and the Middle East under the perspective of the traditional principles guiding Brazilian foreign policy, particularly the promotion of human rights. In order to achieve this goal, Brazil s principled foreign policy is discussed, along with the construction of the country s international identity. Next, we analyze Brazil s commitment to the international human rights regime and the inclusion of the language of human rights within Brazilian diplomatic discourse. An overview of Brazil s relations with Middle Eastern Countries is then conducted, with particular attention to its coherence with Brazilian principled discourse. Finally, Brazil s ambivalent foreign policy, when comes to human rights promotion towards the Middle East, is examined in the context of Brazil s dynamic relations with the Arab world during the governments of Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff. In this regard, special consideration is given to the image that Brazil has been struggling to promote, that is, one of a responsible international stakeholder with aspirations to regional and global leadership.

Advanced Technology drives the increasing anti-censorship, decentralised social media networks, and publishing platforms that are based on blockchain, where no single party can control these platforms, which results in safeguarding information circulation, freedom to publish, and independence of journalism. Furthermore, cryptoeconomics associated with blockchain creates an easy economic model to find sustainable financing for independent journalism by Initial Coin Offering. Meanwhile, adopting a reward system by these publishing platforms has generated sustainable income sources for content creators, allowing them to be independent and motivated to create high-quality constructive content, which contributes to developing communities through disbursing knowledge in forms of constructive journalism.  This study presents the potential of blockchain and cryptoeconomics in developing independent and constructive journalism, especially in developing countries. Through analysing the structure of Steem Blockchain, and empirical analysis of journalistic content on Steemit network in terms of the amount of payout that content creators and curators receive, based on the system of reward according to the content value that is determined by community member voting. Besides selected sample interviews with journalists, writers, and publishers in the Arab World which is undergoing turmoil and transition and needs constructive journalism, asking for their opinions about the potential that blockchain and cryptoeconomics have to support independent and constructive journalism.  The results of the study demonstrated that journalistic posts classified under constructive journalism could achieve a high payout according to the reward system based on community voting for the content value. Meanwhile, journalists and writers have expected that this new economic model can enhance the financial independence of journalists and develop independent and constructive journalism in developing countries.

Fragments d’Alep est le récit d’une navigation à travers des images de guerre. Celle-ci débute en 2016, année d’intensification et de conclusion de la guerre civile d’Alep. Elle tente de retrouver les moments marquant de la constitution d’un imaginaire de guerre et du monde arabe par son auteur. Imbriquée dans une mémoire technique où l’histoire de la représentation du Moyen-Orient semble déterminée par les transformations liées à l’ère du numérique, cette navigation devient le lieu de digression qui souhaite interroger les images de guerre à travers les textures des écrans qui les ont diffusées. / Fragments of Aleppo draws a navigation through images of war. It begins in 2016, year of the intensification and conclusion of the civil war in Aleppo. It is an attempt from the author to find the key points of the building of the collective imagination as regards war and the Arab world. Embedded in a technical memory where the history of the representation of the Middle East seems determined by the transformations engendered by the digital age, this navigation becomes a site of digression that wants to interrogate images of war through the texture of the screens that broadcast them.

This thesis describes how the religious-secular, economic, and cultural dimensions come to expression in the electoral manifestos of two political parties in the 2016 elections in Morocco. The parties in question are the Islamist-oriented Party of Justice and Development (PJD) and the non-Islamist Party of Authenticity and Modernity (PAM), viewed as leading contenders and emerged as the two biggest parties in the same election year. This study applies a qualitative text analysis of the manifestos and shows that the parties differed on two dimensions of three. The parties showed the most significant difference under the religious-secular dimension, where PJD supported increased religious influence on policymaking. In contrast, PAM kept itself neutral and neither supported nor opposed religious influence on state affairs. The next most significant difference was found under the cultural dimension. Both parties expressed support for gender equality, albeit PAM was more ambitious and proposed an amendment to the family law to equalize women with men regarding the right of the Moroccan woman to transfer her citizenship to her non-Moroccan husband. In contrast, PJD proposed extending maternity leave and fighting violence against women. The slightest differences were found under the economic dimension. Surprisingly, both parties advocated for almost the same free-market and redistribution policies even though they represented two opposing blocks in the Moroccan party system.

No description available.